RSS: The Empirical Study of Ideology of Rastriya Swayamsevak Sangh!

 

The Empirical Study of Ideology of Rastriya Swayamsevak Sangh!

Introduction:

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), founded in 1925, stands today as one of the most significant and influential socio-cultural organizations in India. Known for its disciplined cadre system, vast grassroots network, and ideological commitment to Hindu nationalism, the RSS has played a central role in shaping modern Indian political and cultural discourse. From humble beginnings in Nagpur under the leadership of Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, the organization has grown into a powerful force with thousands of daily shakhas (branches), extensive outreach programs, and a prominent influence over India's ruling political party—the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

The RSS claims to work toward the regeneration of Indian society based on the principles of Hindu unity and cultural nationalism. Its ideological foundation, rooted in the notion of Hindutva as conceptualized by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, promotes the idea of India as a fundamentally Hindu nation. Over the decades, the RSS has built a wide network of affiliated organizations, collectively known as the Sangh Parivar, which operate in diverse areas such as education (Vidya Bharati), labor (Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh), student politics (Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad), tribal welfare (Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram), and religious mobilization (Vishwa Hindu Parishad). Its direct or indirect influence on India’s sociopolitical ecosystem is undeniable and profound.

Given this vast reach and impact, it becomes imperative to undertake a critical study of the RSS's ideology, evolution, and its role in contemporary India. While its supporters celebrate it as a nationalist, culturally-rooted, and service-oriented organization, its critics have often accused it of fostering a sectarian worldview that undermines India's secular and pluralistic ethos. The legacy of the RSS is thus both influential and contentious—deserving of close scrutiny.

This article seeks to critically analyze the ideological underpinnings of the RSS, tracing its origins, aims, and evolution from pre-independence India to the present day. It will explore the background and circumstances that led to its formation, examine the role of key founder members, and evaluate how its goals have adapted over time. Additionally, the article will address the major controversies associated with the RSS, including allegations of communalism, caste hierarchy, and anti-minority sentiment, and will assess the organization's responses and strategic shifts in recent decades.

Importantly, this analysis is not limited to a historical overview. The article also engages with scholarly critiques and interpretations of RSS ideology, comparing its vision of a “Hindu Rashtra” with India’s constitutional framework. It seeks to unpack how an ostensibly apolitical organization wields considerable political influence, and how its ideological worldview has permeated public discourse, education, and national policy.

By drawing upon historical documents, books, speeches, and contemporary sources, the article aims to provide a nuanced and balanced study. Understanding the ideology of the RSS is not only essential for assessing its role in India’s past and present but also for understanding the future direction of the Indian republic itself.

Formation of RSS - Background and Causes:

The formation of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in 1925 must be understood against the complex socio-political backdrop of early 20th-century India. It was a period marked by the rising tide of anti-colonial nationalism, communal tensions, and the failure of several national movements to achieve their objectives. The RSS emerged in response to perceived weaknesses in Hindu society and its leadership, and from a desire to rejuvenate Hindu identity amidst rapid political and social transformations.

Colonial Rule and Fragmentation of Indian Society

British colonialism not only economically exploited India but also disrupted its social and cultural fabric. Colonial policies of divide and rule, censuses based on religious categories, and the privileging of certain communities in administration and education created an atmosphere of competition and fragmentation among religious and caste groups. Hindu society, long structured by caste hierarchies and regional differences, appeared—at least to some nationalists—weak, divided, and vulnerable in comparison to the supposedly more organized communities, particularly Muslims and Christians.

This perceived vulnerability fostered a sense of crisis among many Hindu intellectuals and reformers. The rise of assertive pan-Islamic movements, particularly the Khilafat Movement (1919–1924), and episodes of communal violence such as the Moplah Rebellion in Malabar (1921), intensified fears of a demographic and political decline among Hindus. These developments created a fertile ground for ideologies that emphasized Hindu unity, self-reliance, and the need for an organized response to internal and external threats.

Impact of Nationalist Movements

The Indian National Congress, under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi, adopted a broad-based, inclusive approach to nationalism, inviting participation from all religious and caste communities. However, not all factions within Indian society were satisfied with this inclusive nationalism. The suspension of the Non-Cooperation Movement in 1922 after the Chauri Chaura incident disillusioned many young radicals who were frustrated by Gandhi’s insistence on non-violence and compromise.

At the same time, nationalist movements failed to penetrate large sections of Hindu society, especially in rural and conservative regions. Reformers and leaders like Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Swami Vivekananda, and Dayanand Saraswati had earlier voiced the need for a cultural awakening of the Hindu masses. Their writings and movements had laid the ideological groundwork for a more assertive form of Hindu nationalism, which the RSS would later adopt and institutionalize.

Influence of Hindu Mahasabha and Savarkar

The Hindu Mahasabha, founded in 1915, played a key role in articulating a political vision for Hindus that was distinct from the Congress’s composite nationalism. Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, a revolutionary, political thinker, and later president of the Mahasabha, coined the term “Hindutva” in his 1923 book Hindutva: Who is a Hindu? According to Savarkar, Indian identity must be rooted in a common culture (sanskriti), race (jati), and sacred geography (punyabhoomi), which he believed were the birthright of Hindus alone.

Savarkar’s ideology influenced many young nationalists who were searching for a stronger, more militant alternative to Congress-style politics. One of the most prominent among them was Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, who had been a member of the Congress and associated with revolutionary activities in Bengal but later grew disillusioned with the party’s methods and goals.

The Role of Dr. K.B. Hedgewar

Dr. Hedgewar, a trained medical doctor and ardent nationalist from Nagpur, founded the RSS on Vijayadashami day, 27 September 1925, with the objective of reorganizing Hindu society to face internal weaknesses and external threats. He envisioned the RSS as a cultural organization, not a political one, whose primary goal was to build character, discipline, and unity among Hindu youth.

Hedgewar believed that political independence was meaningless unless the Hindu society was first morally, culturally, and physically strong. Thus, the RSS began with simple daily drills, physical training (vyayam), and discussions in local shakhas (branches) that were designed to inculcate discipline, camaraderie, and devotion to the Hindu rashtra (nation).

Importantly, the early RSS was not overtly anti-Muslim in rhetoric but emphasized a revival of Hindu pride and unity. However, this ideological foundation eventually translated into exclusivist attitudes, particularly during times of communal tension.

Response to Communal Violence and Social Tensions

The period leading up to the RSS’s formation saw a sharp increase in Hindu-Muslim communal tensions. Incidents of religious violence, cow slaughter debates, and disputes over religious processions exacerbated social divides. Many in Hindu society perceived that while Muslim groups were organizing politically and socially, Hindus remained fragmented by caste, language, and regional identities.

The RSS aimed to counter this disunity by emphasizing the shared heritage of Hinduism and downplaying caste differences within its ranks. Uniform dress codes, joint meals, and emphasis on discipline were intended to promote a sense of collective identity that transcended sectarian divisions within Hinduism.

Founder Members of RSS:

 

Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar (1889–1940)

Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar is widely recognized as the principal founder of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. Born in Nagpur in 1889, Hedgewar was deeply influenced by the nationalist fervor of the time and joined the Anushilan Samiti in Bengal during his medical studies in Calcutta. He was also briefly associated with the Indian National Congress and participated in the Non-Cooperation Movement but soon grew disillusioned with its methods, particularly Gandhi's emphasis on non-violence and compromise.

Hedgewar believed that India's political freedom would be meaningless without cultural unity and strength among Hindus, who, in his view, lacked discipline and cohesion. With the formation of the RSS in 1925, he envisioned a non-political, cultural organization focused on character-building through daily physical training, ideological education, and social service. His core idea was to create a disciplined Hindu society to serve as the backbone of a future strong nation. Hedgewar served as the first Sarsanghchalak (chief) of the RSS until his death in 1940. His leadership laid the foundational values of discipline, dedication, and Hindu unity that continue to define the organization. Hedgewar remains an iconic figure within the RSS, often revered as the ideological father of the Sangh.

B. S. Moonje (1872–1948)

Dr. Balakrishna Shivram Moonje, though not officially a co-founder, was a crucial ideological mentor and early supporter of the RSS. A physician by profession and a prominent member of the Hindu Mahasabha, Moonje had a vision of building a strong, militarized Hindu society capable of withstanding both internal decay and external aggression. He was a close associate of Hedgewar and provided intellectual and logistical support during the initial years of RSS formation.

Moonje’s travels to Italy in 1931, where he observed Mussolini’s fascist youth training camps, significantly influenced his thinking. He was impressed by the role of discipline, physical education, and military training in shaping national character. These ideas found resonance in the early structure of RSS shakhas, which emphasized uniformity, drills, and nationalism. Moonje believed that Hindu society needed to cultivate martial values to resist conversion, subjugation, and internal fragmentation. Although he remained more politically active through the Hindu Mahasabha, his ideas on cultural nationalism, militarism, and religious identity became deeply embedded in RSS philosophy. He was instrumental in mentoring Hedgewar and facilitating the Sangh’s outreach among conservative sections of Hindu society.

Laxman Vasudev Paranjpe (1877–1958)

Laxman Vasudev Paranjpe was one of the lesser-known yet foundational members involved in the early formation of the RSS. A schoolteacher and close associate of Dr. Hedgewar, Paranjpe played a key role in organizing the first few shakhas and disseminating the ideological and educational framework of the RSS. His strength lay in grassroots organizing, educational leadership, and mobilization of youth for the cause of Hindu unity and discipline.

Paranjpe helped institutionalize the day-to-day functioning of shakhas, especially in Nagpur, and worked to standardize physical training routines and educational content. His work was crucial in maintaining ideological consistency and organizational discipline in the nascent years of the RSS. Though not as ideologically prolific or publicly known as Hedgewar or Moonje, Paranjpe was a pillar of the early movement. He also helped manage communication and recruitment among middle-class Hindu families who were initially hesitant to join an unconventional organization. Paranjpe’s contributions are acknowledged within RSS circles as vital to the establishment of a stable and enduring organizational structure. His legacy lives on in the pedagogical and training systems adopted by the RSS across the country.

Aims, Goals, and Constitution of RSS:

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), since its inception in 1925, has positioned itself as a cultural and socio-nationalist organization rather than a political entity. Founded by Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, the RSS was created with a singular focus: to reorganize Hindu society and instill in it the values of unity, discipline, and selfless service. Unlike conventional organizations, the RSS did not adopt a formal written constitution at the time of its founding. Instead, its early operations were guided by oral teachings, hierarchical discipline, and a strong sense of ideological unity rooted in the concept of Hindutva.

Foundational Aims and Goals

The primary goal of the RSS, as envisioned by Hedgewar, was the creation of a cohesive and disciplined Hindu society. This was not merely religious in nature but encompassed a cultural and nationalistic ideal. The RSS viewed India as a Hindu Rashtra (nation) where the cultural identity of the people stemmed from Hindu civilization, irrespective of religious differences. The organization aimed to:

1.      Unite Hindus across caste, linguistic, and regional divisions.

2.      Promote a spirit of selflessness and sacrifice through seva (service).

3.      Rebuild the moral and physical character of the youth.

4.      Restore India’s ancient glory and strength through cultural renaissance.

5.      Counter perceived threats to Hindu society from foreign ideologies and internal fragmentation.

These aims were implemented through daily shakhas (branches), where young men participated in physical exercises, ideological discussions, storytelling sessions on Hindu history, and patriotic songs—all designed to instill discipline and collective consciousness.

Structure Over Constitution

Unlike political parties or traditional NGOs, the RSS operated for decades without a formal constitution. Its rules and principles were disseminated through practice, oral tradition, and centralized leadership. The Sarsanghchalak (chief), originally Dr. Hedgewar and later M.S. Golwalkar and others, served as the ideological and administrative head, whose decisions were considered final.

In 1949, after being banned following Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination in 1948, the RSS was compelled by the Indian government to adopt a formal constitution in order to resume its activities. The ban was lifted only after the RSS agreed to:

1.      Adopt a written constitution.

2.      Function transparently as a cultural organization.

3.      Distance itself from political activities and maintain non-violence.

This constitution was submitted to the government and emphasized the apolitical and service-based nature of the organization. It clearly defined the objectives of national unity, character building, and social service, avoiding any explicitly political language.

Key Features of the RSS Constitution (Post-1949)

·         Non-political status: RSS would not participate directly in elections or support any political party.

·         Cultural mission: Defined its work as cultural regeneration of India through the unification of Hindus.

·         Voluntary membership: Membership was based on self-selection and ideological commitment.

·         Non-sectarianism: It declared itself open to all Hindus, regardless of caste or regional background.

·         Discipline and hierarchy: Emphasis on strict internal discipline and loyalty to the central leadership.

Although this constitution was submitted to the government to get the ban lifted, the RSS continues to function largely based on internal tradition and centralized decision-making. The written constitution remains more of a formal necessity than a guiding operational document.

Journey of RSS Till Date:

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), founded in 1925, has grown from a small ideological group in Nagpur to one of the largest and most influential socio-cultural organizations in India. Its journey has traversed nearly a century of India's tumultuous history—colonial rule, Partition, independence, political upheavals, and economic transformations. The RSS’s expansion has been marked by persistence, organizational discipline, adaptability, and a gradual shift from cultural nationalism to socio-political prominence.

The Hedgewar Era (1925–1940): Foundational Consolidation

Under Dr. K.B. Hedgewar’s leadership, the RSS remained primarily a regional organization focused on consolidating Hindu youth through physical training and moral education. The daily shakha became the nucleus of RSS activity. Hedgewar emphasized character-building over political activity and maintained a conscious distance from active politics. By 1940, the organization had expanded modestly, with shakhas operating mainly in Maharashtra and parts of central India.

The Golwalkar Era (1940–1973): Ideological Rigidity and National Growth

With the appointment of M.S. Golwalkar (Guruji) as the second Sarsanghchalak, the RSS underwent significant ideological solidification and organizational expansion. Golwalkar's book Bunch of Thoughts became a seminal text articulating the RSS worldview—emphasizing Hindu Rashtra, cultural nationalism, and the centrality of Hindu dharma.

During this period, the RSS faced its most serious challenge: the ban imposed in 1948 following the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi by Nathuram Godse, who had prior links with Hindu nationalist circles. Though the government could not prove direct RSS involvement, the public outrage and political scrutiny were intense. The ban was lifted in 1949 after the RSS submitted a written constitution and committed to non-political, peaceful activity.

Despite these setbacks, the organization expanded nationally. Its disciplined cadre and decentralized network helped it grow into urban and rural spaces alike.

Expansion through Affiliates: The Sangh Parivar Model

The RSS realized early on that it needed to extend its influence into various sectors of society. This led to the birth of Sangh Parivar; a family of affiliated organizations that worked in different domains:

·         Bharatiya Jana Sangh (1951): Founded by Shyama Prasad Mukherjee with RSS support, it marked the entry of RSS ideology into electoral politics.

·         Vishwa Hindu Parishad (1964): Focused on Hindu religious and cultural unity.

·         Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP): Student wing that became highly active in universities.

·         Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (1955): A trade union alternative to leftist movements.

·         Seva Bharati and Vanvasi Kalyan Ashrams: Focused on tribal welfare and rural service.

This federated model allowed the RSS to expand its influence without officially participating in politics.

The Emergency and RSS Mobilization (1975–77)

During the Emergency imposed by Indira Gandhi (1975–77), the RSS was banned again, and thousands of its workers were imprisoned. The organization played a crucial role in resisting authoritarianism, providing underground networks for democratic opposition. This period elevated the RSS’s moral credibility among anti-Congress forces and deepened its grassroots support.

Post-Emergency, the RSS-backed Janata Party came to power briefly. When ideological differences surfaced over dual membership with the RSS, the Janata Party collapsed. This gave birth to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 1980, led by former Jana Sangh leaders.

The Ayodhya Movement and Political Ascendancy (1980s–1990s)

The RSS played a central role in mobilizing support for the Ram Janmabhoomi movement through the VHP and BJP. The campaign to build a temple at the site of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya became the ideological and political centerpiece of Hindu nationalist resurgence.

The demolition of Babri Masjid on 6 December 1992 by kar sevaks associated with the Sangh Parivar marked a turning point. It brought both national attention and controversy to the RSS. While the organization disavowed direct responsibility, its affiliates were clearly at the forefront of the movement.

This period saw BJP’s rise from a fringe party to a national contender, culminating in the NDA government under Atal Bihari Vajpayee in 1998.

21st Century: From Cultural to Political Hegemony

With the election of Narendra Modi in 2014, a long-time RSS pracharak (campaigner), the RSS achieved unprecedented proximity to political power. The BJP’s electoral dominance was deeply rooted in the Sangh’s organizational strength and ideological groundwork.

During Modi’s tenure (2014–present), the RSS has increased its reach across institutions, education, and public discourse. Initiatives such as:

·         Uniform Civil Code discussions

·         Abrogation of Article 370

·         Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA)

·         Ram Mandir construction (after Supreme Court verdict in 2019)

have reflected long-standing RSS ideological goals.

Meanwhile, the RSS continues its socio-cultural outreach through 70,000+ shakhas, activities in rural development, education (Ekal Vidyalayas), disaster relief, and tribal welfare.

Changes in Approach and Modernization

While the RSS retains its core values of Hindu cultural nationalism, it has also adapted. Newer leadership under Mohan Bhagwat, the current Sarsanghchalak, has softened some rigid stances. Bhagwat’s speeches have addressed caste inclusion, women’s roles, and even the acceptance of India's constitutional democracy—issues that were once marginal in RSS discourse.

Efforts to appeal to Dalits, OBCs, and women, and emphasis on “unity in diversity” suggest a strategic shift in tone, if not in core ideology.

The RSS now engages in dialogue with foreign scholars, NGOs, and journalists, trying to project a more inclusive and modern image without compromising its ideological moorings.

Changes in Policy or Agenda of RSS:

Over the course of its nearly century-long existence, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has demonstrated both ideological steadfastness and remarkable adaptability. While its foundational worldview—rooted in the vision of a unified Hindu Rashtra—has remained constant, the methods, strategies, and areas of engagement have evolved considerably. From a marginal socio-cultural group in colonial India to the ideological nucleus of India’s current ruling establishment, the RSS has reoriented its agenda at various junctures in response to internal needs and external circumstances.

From Cultural Nationalism to Political Influence

Originally, the RSS was envisioned by Dr. Hedgewar as a non-political cultural organization, focusing on Hindu character-building and community cohesion. However, over time, particularly under Golwalkar, the RSS increasingly shaped a politico-cultural Hindu identity that sought to influence India’s public sphere.

The establishment of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (1951) and later the BJP (1980) marked a significant shift—RSS ideology was no longer confined to cultural mobilization but became a political agenda. Though the RSS maintains it is apolitical, its close ideological and organizational ties to the BJP represent a strategic broadening of influence into state power.

Post-Gandhi Assassination Reorientation

The assassination of Mahatma Gandhi in 1948 and the subsequent ban on the RSS prompted a moment of introspection. To resume activities, the RSS had to adopt a written constitution in 1949, clarifying its non-political, peaceful, and cultural nature. This resulted in:

·         Greater institutional transparency

·         Emphasis on national service

·         A more inclusive tone, at least in public

This period saw a strategic softening in rhetoric, helping the RSS gain broader acceptance in Indian society.

Shifting Approach Toward Dalits, Tribals, and Marginalized Groups

Traditionally dominated by upper-caste leadership, the RSS faced criticism for ignoring the socio-economic realities of Dalits, Adivasis, and backward castes. However, in recent decades, especially since the 1990s, it has made deliberate efforts to engage with marginalized communities, including:

·         Ekal Vidyalayas: Informal schools in tribal areas

·         Vanvasi Kalyan Ashrams: Welfare programs for tribals

·         Inclusion of Dalit and OBC leaders in the Sangh structure

RSS leaders now regularly speak about “social harmony” (Samajik Samrasta) and promote narratives that emphasize unity across castes. This is a clear shift from its earlier aloofness toward caste inequalities.

Changing Rhetoric on Muslims and Christians

One of the most significant criticisms against the RSS has been its majoritarian view of Indian nationhood, where Muslims and Christians were seen as cultural outsiders unless they acknowledged India as primarily a Hindu civilization. Golwalkar’s Bunch of Thoughts expressed this explicitly.

In recent years, there has been a visible change in tone, especially under current chief Mohan Bhagwat, who stated:

"The DNA of all Indians is the same… Hindus and Muslims are not different."

While the ideological core remains wary of religious conversions and perceived threats to Hindu identity, the rhetorical shift toward inclusivity is part of a broader strategy to gain legitimacy and reduce alienation among minorities, especially in the global arena.

Modernization and Technological Integration

In the 21st century, the RSS has embraced modern tools of communication and outreach:

·         It maintains websites, YouTube channels, and social media platforms.

·         Leaders conduct press conferences and interviews, a rarity in earlier decades.

·         RSS literature is now available in multiple languages, often simplified for broader appeal.

This digital outreach is aimed at youth engagement and countering the narrative of it being a secretive, opaque organization.

            Women and Gender Role Rethinking

The RSS has traditionally maintained a conservative view on gender roles, with separate wings like Rashtra Sevika Samiti for women. However, there has been a gradual, though cautious, reframing of women’s participation:

·         More public acknowledgment of women’s leadership in Sangh Parivar organizations.

·         Engagement in female education, health, and self-defense programs.

·         Bhagwat has occasionally spoken about the importance of women’s dignity and contribution to national life.

Nevertheless, women are still not allowed to be part of core RSS decision-making bodies, indicating partial, not complete, evolution.

Educational and Ideological Penetration

A major area of agenda expansion is education and intellectual engagement:

·         RSS-affiliated groups like Bharatiya Shikshan Mandal advocate for a curriculum centered on Indian culture, Vedas, Sanskrit, and national pride.

·         Think tanks such as India Policy Foundation and Vivekananda International Foundation promote right-leaning scholarship.

·         Influence over school textbooks, university appointments, and cultural institutions has increased significantly, especially after 2014.

This ideological penetration aims to reshape historical narratives, national identity, and intellectual discourse in India.

Economic Policy and Development

Traditionally indifferent to economic policy, the RSS has taken greater interest in rural development, indigenous industry, and self-reliance (Swadeshi):

·         Its affiliate Swadeshi Jagran Manch opposes foreign direct investment in sensitive sectors.

·         It promotes local entrepreneurship, khadi, and village economy models.

·         While not entirely anti-globalization, the Sangh often critiques Western consumerism and economic models detached from Indian values.

This economic agenda aligns with the broader theme of civilizational nationalism and self-sufficiency.

Controversies Regarding RSS and Their Leaders Since Formation:

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), while acclaimed by its supporters as a nationalist and culturally unifying force, has been at the center of numerous controversies since its inception in 1925. These controversies have ranged from accusations of communalism and anti-minority rhetoric to alleged connections with political violence and ideological rigidity. Over the decades, both the organization and its prominent leaders have faced public, academic, and legal scrutiny. This section provides a chronological and thematic overview of major controversies linked to the RSS and its leadership.

Alleged Link to Gandhi’s Assassination (1948)

The most serious and enduring controversy surrounding the RSS emerged in the aftermath of Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination on January 30, 1948, by Nathuram Godse. Though Godse had left the RSS in the 1930s, his association with Hindu nationalist ideology and the similarity in worldviews triggered a wave of national outrage.

·         The Government of India, led by Nehru, banned the RSS in February 1948.

·         In its communiqué, the government accused the RSS of promoting hatred and inciting violence.

·         Justice Kapur Commission (1969) later stated that Godse and other conspirators “had been members of the RSS at some time,” but concrete legal proof of organizational involvement was lacking.

Despite its denial of any role, the stigma of Gandhi’s assassination has continued to haunt the RSS, especially in liberal and secular discourse.

Bans Imposed on the RSS

The RSS has been banned three times in independent India:

·         1948: Post Gandhi assassination.

·         1975–77: During the Emergency declared by Indira Gandhi. The RSS was accused of undermining the government and promoting anti-democratic sentiment.

·         1992: After the demolition of Babri Masjid. The ban was temporary but highlighted the Sangh’s role in mass mobilization.

Each time, the bans led to mass arrests of RSS workers, organizational introspection, and often, public sympathy that fueled its resurgence.

Role in Babri Masjid Demolition (1992)

The Ram Janmabhoomi movement spearheaded by Sangh-affiliated bodies like the VHP and BJP culminated in the demolition of the Babri Masjid on December 6, 1992.

·         The RSS was accused of planning and orchestrating the event, though it maintained that the demolition was spontaneous.

·         The Liberhan Commission Report (2009) explicitly named the RSS as the ideological and organizational center of the entire movement.

·         International criticism and domestic communal riots following the event created long-standing polarizations in Indian society.

This remains one of the most defining and divisive episodes in modern Indian history, with the RSS portrayed as both savior and villain, depending on the ideological lens.

Accusations of Religious Intolerance and Anti-Minority Rhetoric

The RSS has often been criticized for its exclusivist notion of nationalism, which equates Indian identity with Hindu culture. Some major concerns include:

·         Opposition to religious conversions, particularly by Christians and Muslims.

·         Promotion of Ghar Wapsi (homecoming) programs aimed at reconverting people to Hinduism.

·         Statements by some RSS leaders linking minorities with anti-national behavior.

·         The targeting of NGOs and Christian missionaries in tribal areas by RSS-affiliated groups.

Such activities have led to charges of promoting majoritarianism and undermining India’s secular character.

Comments by Leaders Creating Controversy

Several RSS leaders, past and present, have made remarks that stirred public outrage:

·         M.S. Golwalkar in Bunch of Thoughts wrote that Muslims and Christians must accept India as a Hindu nation or live as second-class citizens. Though the RSS now distances itself from such harsh language, it remains part of its historical record.

·         K.S. Sudarshan, former Sarsanghchalak, made controversial remarks about Sonia Gandhi’s foreign origin.

·         In 2016, Mohan Bhagwat’s statements suggesting that women should focus on motherhood and domestic roles were criticized for being patriarchal.

·         Remarks on caste, reservation policies, and interfaith marriages by local-level RSS pracharaks have also caused community unrest in some regions.

While the central leadership often issues clarifications or disowns such remarks, the controversies have persisted.

Alleged Vigilantism and Cow Protection Violence

Though the RSS claims it does not support cow vigilantism, many gau raksha (cow protection) groups are said to draw ideological inspiration from the Sangh Parivar.

·         Several violent incidents targeting Muslims and Dalits over cow slaughter and beef consumption have been linked—directly or indirectly—to RSS affiliates.

·         Critics argue that the moral legitimization of cow protection narratives creates an environment where fringe elements act with impunity.

·         The RSS has issued generic condemnations but often blames the media for misrepresenting facts.

This issue has deeply polarized public opinion and has drawn sharp international criticism from human rights organizations.

Educational and Institutional Takeover Allegations

After 2014, the RSS has been accused of exerting undue influence over government institutions:

·         Appointments in universities (e.g., JNU, DU) allegedly favor ideologically sympathetic candidates.

·         Textbook revisions to reflect Hindu-centric narratives and downplay Mughal, British, and Ambedkarite contributions.

·         Control over cultural institutions like the ICHR, NCERT, and FTII has been critiqued as "saffronization."

These interventions are seen by many as attempts to redefine Indian history and identity in line with RSS ideology.

Accusations of Hyper-Nationalism and Militarism

The RSS runs military-style drills and training programs, often in khaki uniforms, which critics equate with paramilitary practices. They argue this:

·         Normalizes a militant version of nationalism.

·         Intimidates minority communities.

·         Blurs the line between civil society and state apparatus.

Photographs and videos of such training camps have surfaced repeatedly, creating alarm in liberal and human rights circles.

Political Proximity and Ethical Dilemmas

With the BJP in power since 2014, the RSS’s behind-the-scenes role in policymaking has drawn both admiration and criticism:

·         Its meetings with the Prime Minister and cabinet ministers are informal and opaque.

·         Critics question the democratic accountability of such influence.

·         Even issues like economic reforms, educational policy, and foreign relations are reportedly vetted by RSS think tanks.

While supporters see this as cultural input into governance, detractors view it as ideological infiltration into secular institutions.

Critical Analysis of RSS:

A comprehensive critique of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) must assess its ideological foundations, organizational methods, socio-political influence, and impact on Indian democracy and pluralism. While supporters credit the RSS with instilling patriotism, discipline, and a sense of civilizational continuity among Hindus, critics argue that it represents a sectarian worldview that undermines the inclusive and secular fabric of the Indian Republic. This section delves into the major critiques—philosophical, sociological, political, and constitutional—leveled against the RSS.

Ideological Rigidity and Civilizational Essentialism

At its core, the RSS promotes the idea of Hindutva, a term popularized by V.D. Savarkar and institutionalized by the Sangh. Unlike Hinduism as a religion or philosophy, Hindutva is a cultural-political identity that emphasizes shared ancestry, geography, and civilization.

Critics argue:

·         It imposes a monolithic Hindu identity, disregarding the immense diversity within Hindu beliefs, sects, and regional practices.

·         It equates Indian-ness with Hindu-ness, thereby excluding minorities (especially Muslims and Christians) from full cultural citizenship unless they “assimilate.”

·         Scholars such as Christophe Jaffrelot and Romila Thapar have criticized the Sangh’s historical imagination as being ahistorical, myth-driven, and lacking in academic rigor.

This essentialist worldview threatens pluralism by constructing “the other” as alien, even if they have been part of Indian society for centuries.

Anti-Pluralism and Democratic Challenges

Though the RSS claims it respects India’s constitutional structure, many critics see a fundamental tension between Hindu Rashtra and secular democracy.

·         The RSS’s internal structure is authoritarian, with decision-making concentrated in the hands of a few full-time pracharaks.

·         Its preference for social order over dissent, duty over rights, and uniformity over diversity makes it inherently resistant to liberal-democratic values.

·         The absence of women in leadership, lack of public accountability, and intolerance toward ideological diversity have drawn criticism from political scientists and civil society.

In this sense, the RSS may be democratic in method (working through electoral allies) but illiberal in intent (pushing for cultural hegemony).

Relationship with Violence and Polarization

While the RSS officially denounces violence, it has repeatedly been accused of enabling or tacitly endorsing communal mobilization:

·         The Ram Janmabhoomi movement, anti-conversion campaigns, and Ghar Wapsi programs have resulted in polarization and communal tension.

·         Scholars like Ashis Nandy and Paul Brass have highlighted how religious nationalism, particularly of the Hindutva variety, can legitimize vigilante justice, especially against minorities.

·         The RSS’s silence or equivocation in the aftermath of mob lynchings, hate speeches, and inflammatory slogans has drawn accusations of complicity by omission.

Though direct organizational involvement is difficult to prove, the ideological environment created by the RSS and its affiliates contributes to majoritarian aggression.

Caste, Inclusion, and the Limits of Samajik Samrasta

The RSS has traditionally been a Brahmin-upper-caste dominated structure, both in leadership and ideological formulation. While efforts have been made to include Dalits, OBCs, and tribals, critics argue these are instrumental rather than transformative.

·         Ambedkarite thinkers like Kancha Ilaiah and Anand Teltumbde accuse the RSS of trying to absorb Dalit identities into an upper-caste Hindu framework without addressing structural oppression.

·         The concept of Samajik Samrasta (social harmony) promoted by the RSS is viewed as tokenistic, lacking any critique of caste-based hierarchy.

·         The Sangh's opposition to affirmative action in minority institutions and its reluctance to aggressively pursue inter-caste marriages in its own ranks reveal its internal contradictions.

Thus, the RSS’s outreach may increase numerical inclusion, but social justice remains a contested frontier.

The Sangh’s Cultural Nationalism vs. Constitutional Nationalism

One of the key criticisms by constitutional experts is that RSS’s vision of the nation is cultural, not civic.

·         Constitutional nationalism, as envisioned by Nehru, Ambedkar, and Gandhi, is based on equality of all citizens, regardless of religion or caste.

·         In contrast, the RSS celebrates the nation as a sacred, eternal Hindu civilization, reducing the space for diverse cultural contributions by non-Hindus.

·         Statements by senior leaders like Golwalkar and Deoras have often suggested that Indian Muslims and Christians can be loyal citizens only if they accept Hindu cultural supremacy.

This duality generates tension between citizenship based on the Constitution and citizenship based on cultural conformity.

Lack of Transparency and Accountability

Despite its vast influence, the RSS remains technically an unregistered organization and is not accountable to public institutions.

·         It does not publish audited financial reports for public scrutiny.

·         Its decision-making processes are opaque, and its affiliates often act autonomously while maintaining ideological coherence.

·         In a democratic society where non-state actors have growing influence, this lack of transparency raises serious concerns.

Furthermore, while the RSS claims to be a cultural body, its intervention in political appointments, educational policies, and media narratives suggests that it exercises state-like powers without corresponding accountability.

Intellectual and Historical Revisionism

The RSS has invested heavily in rewriting Indian history from a Hindu nationalist lens:

·         Ancient Hindu contributions are exaggerated, while Muslim and colonial eras are vilified.

·         The idea of India as a continuous, unbroken Hindu civilization ignores the multicultural, syncretic, and evolving nature of Indian society.

·         Educational reforms and changes in textbook narratives are often driven more by ideological assertion than historical accuracy.

This intellectual revisionism, scholars argue, obscures complexity and promotes identity politics over critical thinking.

Progressive Engagements and Points of Reflection

It is important to acknowledge that the RSS is not static or monolithic. In recent years:

·         Mohan Bhagwat’s statements on caste, Indian Muslims, and women’s dignity show a rhetorical moderation.

·         Engagements in disaster relief, tribal education, and rural development have had tangible social impact.

·         A younger generation of pracharaks is more tech-savvy, issue-based, and dialogic, moving beyond traditional modes of outreach.

This suggests a pragmatic adaptability within the Sangh, though it remains to be seen if such changes are cosmetic or systemic.

Important Comments on Ideology of R.S.S.:

Christophe Jaffrelot

·         Quote: "The RSS has always been a cultural organization with a political agenda, aiming to reshape Indian society along Hindu nationalist lines."

·         Source: Jaffrelot, Christophe. The Hindu Nationalist Movement and Indian Politics: 1925 to the 1990s. Columbia University Press, 1996.

·         Context: Jaffrelot analyzes the RSS's transformation from a cultural organization to a significant political force, highlighting its role in fostering Hindu nationalism and its impact on India's secular fabric.

Romila Thapar

·         Quote: "Nationalism cannot be reduced merely to waving flags and shouting slogans and penalising people for not shouting slogans like 'Bharat Mata ki Jai'." https://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-news-india/romila-thapar-slogans-dont-make-for-nationalism-or-anti-nationalism-says-2942229/?utm_source=

·         Source: Thapar, Romila. On Nationalism. Aleph Book Company, 2016.

·         Context: Thapar critiques the RSS's version of nationalism, arguing that it promotes a monolithic Hindu identity that undermines India's pluralistic traditions.

Ashis Nandy

·         Quote: "Nationalism is not patriotism. Nationalism is an ideology and is configured in human personality the way other ideologies are."

·         Source: Nandy, Ashis. "Nationalism, Genuine and Spurious." Economic and Political Weekly, vol. 41, no. 32, 2006, pp. 3500-3504.

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/262126388_Nationalism_Genuine_and_Spurious_Mourning_Two_Early_Post-Nationalist_Strains?utm_source=

·         Context: Nandy differentiates between patriotism and nationalism, criticizing the RSS for promoting an aggressive form of nationalism that marginalizes minorities.

Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd

·         Quote: "The most dangerous aspect of the RSS is its commitment to sustain the classical varnadharma, with the Shudras being at the bottom to serve three varnas above them."

·         Source: Shepherd, Kancha Ilaiah. "RSS/BJP And The Shudra Neo-Slaves." Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd's Official Website, 18 Nov. 2018.

https://kanchailaiah.com/2018/11/18/rssbjp-and-the-shudra-neo-slaves/?utm_source=

·         Context: Shepherd argues that the RSS's ideology is rooted in upper-caste dominance and fails to represent the interests of Shudras and other marginalized communities.

Anand Teltumbde

·         Quote: "Beneath the veneer of a modern, developing superpower, India remains a republic of caste."

·         Source: Teltumbde, Anand. Republic of Caste: Thinking Equality in the Time of Neoliberal Hindutva. Navayana Publishing, 2018.

https://www.thehindubusinessline.com/blink/know/reservations-are-not-a-measure-of-justice-anand-teltumbde/article23923480.ece?utm_source=

·         Context: Teltumbde critiques the RSS for perpetuating caste hierarchies and promoting a neoliberal agenda that neglects social justice.

Walter K. Andersen & Shridhar D. Damle

·         Quote: "The RSS is not a monolith; it is a complex organization with multiple layers and a wide range of activities, all aimed at promoting its vision of Hindu nationalism."

·         Source: Andersen, Walter K., and Damle, Shridhar D. The RSS: A View to the Inside. Penguin Viking, 2018.

·         Context: The authors provide an in-depth analysis of the RSS's organizational structure and ideology, noting its influence on Indian politics and society.

 Devesh Kapur

·         Quote: "The RSS's impact on public institutions suggests that its ideological influence can undermine institutional autonomy."

·         Source: Kapur, Devesh. Public Institutions in India: Performance and Design. Oxford University Press, 2005.

·         Context: Kapur examines the RSS's impact on public institutions, suggesting that its ideological influence can undermine institutional autonomy.

Paul R. Brass

·         Quote: "The RSS and its affiliates have been involved in the preparation and activation phases of riots, contributing to communal violence."

·         Source: Brass, Paul R. The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India. University of Washington Press, 2003.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Institutionalized_riot_systems?utm_source=

·         Context: Brass discusses how organizations like the RSS contribute to communal tensions, analyzing the mechanisms behind the production of violence.

A.G. Noorani

·         Quote: "The RSS provides ideological backing while the BJP executes its agenda politically; it's a division of labour."

·         Source: Noorani, A.G. The RSS and the BJP: A Division of Labour. LeftWord Books, 2000.

·         Context: Noorani explores the symbiotic relationship between the RSS and the BJP, arguing that the RSS provides ideological backing while the BJP executes its agenda politically.

Christophe Jaffrelot

·         Quote: "Modi is a pure product of the RSS who, in contrast to most of his peers, emancipated himself from the organization rather early."

·         Source: Jaffrelot, Christophe. "Christophe Jaffrelot on What Makes Brand Modi Successful." The Diplomat, 2024.

https://thediplomat.com/2024/04/christophe-jaffrelot-on-what-makes-brand-modi-successful/?utm_source=

·         Context: Jaffrelot analyzes the transformation of Indian democracy under Modi's leadership, highlighting the RSS's role in promoting an ethnic majoritarian state.

Conclusion

RSS remains a central force in Indian society and politics. While it has contributed to national service and organization, its ideological rigidity and sectarian past continue to be subjects of concern. Need for a balanced approach in analyzing such influential organizations, neither demonizing nor glorifying.

Thus, the formation of the RSS was not an isolated event but a response to a complex set of historical, political, and cultural factors. It was born out of a perceived need to defend and rejuvenate Hindu identity in a time of national crisis and colonial subjugation. While the stated goals were cultural regeneration and character-building, the ideological underpinnings—especially under the influence of Hindutva—laid the foundation for a deeply political movement with far-reaching consequences. Understanding this genesis is essential to critically analyze the later trajectory and ideological shifts of the RSS.

From its humble beginnings in Nagpur to becoming the ideological backbone of the ruling political party, the RSS has traversed an extraordinary path. While it started as a non-political, cultural body aimed at character building, over time it has emerged as a central force in shaping India’s political and cultural direction. Its ability to adapt, expand through affiliates, and maintain a disciplined cadre system has made it one of the most resilient and influential organizations in Indian history. However, its growing power also invites intense scrutiny and debate over its ideological vision of India.

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s journey is marked not only by expansion but also by transformation. While the core vision of a Hindu Rashtra rooted in civilizational pride remains intact, the strategies to achieve it have diversified. From outreach to marginalized groups and minorities to modernization and intellectual engagement, the RSS has shown a capacity to evolve without abandoning its ideological compass. This strategic pragmatism has played a key role in its rising influence in 21st-century India—culturally, socially, and politically.

The controversies surrounding the RSS reflect the duality at the heart of the organization—an intense commitment to cultural nationalism paired with actions that often invite polarizing debate. Its critics see it as sectarian, regressive, and intolerant, while supporters view it as a patriotic, disciplined force for civilizational revival. The truth likely lies in a complex middle space. What is certain is that the RSS cannot be ignored in any serious discourse on Indian society and politics. Its power has grown with its proximity to state machinery, making critical engagement with its ideology and activities more necessary than ever.

At the outset, The RSS stands at a complex crossroads of cultural pride and ideological exclusivity, social service and political ambition, moral order and democratic plurality. It has undoubtedly mobilized vast sections of Indian society, created a strong cadre-based culture of discipline, and shaped the ideological direction of modern Indian politics. However, its critics are equally justified in raising alarms over its exclusionary worldview, gender conservatism, communal politics, and indifference to constitutional liberalism.

Any critical study of the RSS must therefore go beyond binary positions and recognize its multi-dimensional impact. In the coming decades, the future of Indian democracy may, in part, depend on whether the RSS can reconcile its cultural mission with democratic values, or whether it will deepen the majoritarian drift that threatens the country’s pluralist ethos.

 

References (Books, Articles, Sources with Links)

Books:

1.      Andersen, Walter & Damle, Shridhar. The RSS: A View to the Inside – Penguin, 2018.

2.      Nussbaum, Martha. The Clash Within: Democracy, Religious Violence, and India's Future – Harvard University Press, 2007.

3.      Savarkar, V.D. Hindutva: Who is a Hindu? – 1923.

4.      Walter Andersen and Shridhar Damle – The RSS: A View to the Inside, Penguin India Link

5.      “Ban on RSS and Conditions for Lifting It” – Economic & Political Weekly (March 13, 1993)

6.      Jaffrelot, Christophe. The Hindu Nationalist Movement and Indian Politics: 1925 to the 1990s. Penguin Books India, 1999.
Link to book

7.      Golwalkar, M.S. Bunch of Thoughts. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, 1966.
Available PDF

8.      The Liberhan Commission Report (2009) – Inquiry into the Babri Masjid Demolition.

9.      Andersen, Walter K., and Damle, Shridhar D. The Brotherhood in Saffron: The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and Hindu Revivalism. Vistaar Publications, 1987.

10.  Nandy, Ashis. The Intimate Enemy: Loss and Recovery of Self Under Colonialism. Oxford University Press, 1983.

11.  Thapar, Romila. The Past as Present: Forging Contemporary Identities Through History. Aleph Book Company, 2014.

12.  Kapur, Devesh. "The RSS and Indian Politics: The Role of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh in Political Mobilization," India Review, Vol. 10, No. 1, 2011.

13.  BBC News: Who are the RSS? https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-14657066

14.  Economic and Political Weekly (EPW): Various critical articles on RSS ideology and impact. https://www.epw.in/search?search_api_fulltext=RSS

15.  RSS Official Website: Constitution and organizational details.
https://www.rss.org/Encyc/2010/9/11/constitution-of-rss.html     

16.  Legal Document Reference: “Government of India Press Release on Lifting the Ban” (1949)

Articles:

·         “RSS: A Historical Overview” – EPW, 1993. https://www.epw.in

·         “Rise of RSS in India” – The Wire. https://thewire.in

·         “Decoding RSS Ideology” – Scroll.in. https://scroll.in

Reports/Web Sources:

·         Official RSS Website: https://www.rss.org

·         BJP-RSS Relations: PRS Legislative Research – https://prsindia.org

·         Government of India Archives: https://nationalarchives.nic.in

==============*******=================