Unveiling the Conspiracy: The Kapoor Commission and the Truth Behind Mahatma Gandhiji’s Assassination!

 

Unveiling the Conspiracy: The Kapoor Commission and the Truth Behind Mahatma Gandhiji’s Assassination!

Background of Formation of the Kapoor Commission:

The assassination of Mahatma Gandhi on 30 January 1948 at Birla House, New Delhi, shocked the world and left the newly independent India in turmoil. While the immediate assassin, Nathuram Godse, and his accomplices were arrested, tried, and sentenced, lingering suspicions and unanswered questions about a larger conspiracy persisted for decades. These doubts revolved around whether the government had sufficient intelligence prior to the assassination and whether adequate steps were taken to protect Gandhi, despite known threats.

In 1966, the public's curiosity was reignited when Gopal Godse, one of the accused and convicted co-conspirators, stated upon his release from prison that the conspiracy to kill Gandhi involved more individuals and was much wider in scope than publicly acknowledged. He also claimed that Nathuram Godse was not acting alone and that several right-wing organizations had knowledge or involvement in the plot. These statements, along with increasing scholarly and public debates, triggered a political and social demand to investigate deeper.

Another factor leading to the formation of a commission was the discovery of documents and testimonies suggesting lapses in the security arrangements around Mahatma Gandhi during the critical days leading up to his death. In 1967, the Maharashtra government faced growing pressure to re-examine the events. It was in this context that the Government of India, under the leadership of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, set up a one-man inquiry commission in 1969, under the Commissions of Inquiry Act, 1952.

The commission was headed by Justice Jivanlal Kapur, a retired judge of the Supreme Court of India, and hence came to be known as the Kapur Commission. Its mandate was to re-investigate the conspiracy surrounding Gandhi’s assassination, particularly in light of new statements made by surviving conspirators and additional documentary evidence that had surfaced after the original trial.

The Commission’s formation was not only a response to these revelations but also an effort by the Indian state to reassure the public and Gandhi’s followers that no stone would be left unturned in seeking justice, even decades after the event. It sought to review earlier findings, re-evaluate missed leads, and most importantly, determine whether there were institutional failures or deliberate neglect involved in the assassination.

Justice Kapur began his work by collecting evidence from various sources, calling multiple witnesses including government officials, police officers, political leaders, and individuals connected to the original case. The Commission took nine years to complete its work, finally submitting its report in 1977. The delay was attributed to the vast scope of the inquiry, the unearthing of additional documents, and intermittent cooperation from various agencies.

The formation of the Kapoor Commission marked an important step in India's legal and moral commitment to historical justice. It represented an effort not just to confirm culpability but also to acknowledge systemic failures that might have led to the martyrdom of one of the most revered leaders in human history.

 Court Trial on the Accused

The court trial regarding Mahatma Gandhiji’s assassination began shortly after his death. The accused were:

1.                  Nathuram Godse – The main assassin

2.                  Narayan Apte

3.                  Vishnu Karkare

4.                  Madanlal Pahwa

5.                  Shankar Kistaiya

6.                  Gopal Godse

7.                  Dattatraya Parchure

8.                  Vinayak Damodar Savarkar – Tried as a co-conspirator

1. Nathuram Godse – The Main Assassin

Nathuram Vinayak Godse remains one of the most controversial and reviled figures in modern Indian history as the principal assassin of Mahatma Gandhi. Born in 1910 in Pune, Maharashtra, into a Brahmin family, Godse was influenced early in life by Hindu nationalist ideologies, particularly those propagated by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and later the Hindu Mahasabha. Though he started his career as a journalist, his growing disillusionment with Mahatma Gandhi’s policy of appeasement towards Muslims and his emphasis on nonviolence led him down a path of extremist ideology.

Godse’s primary grievance against Gandhi stemmed from what he perceived as Gandhi’s unjust favoritism towards Muslims during the Partition of India in 1947. In particular, Godse and his associates were enraged by Gandhi’s fast unto death in January 1948, which was intended to compel the Indian government to release ₹55 crore to Pakistan as part of a Partition agreement. To Godse, this act symbolized Gandhi's betrayal of Hindus, especially when thousands of them had been killed or displaced during the communal riots surrounding Partition.

Nathuram Godse’s decision to assassinate Gandhi was not an impulsive act but a meticulously planned political assassination. He conspired with others who shared similar ideological leanings, including Narayan Apte, Gopal Godse, and others. Their plan was executed on January 30, 1948, when Godse approached Gandhi during his evening prayer meeting at Birla House in Delhi. As Gandhi walked toward the prayer ground with his customary folded hands, Godse bowed before him, then pulled out a Beretta pistol and fired three bullets into his chest at close range. Gandhi died almost instantly.

Godse was immediately apprehended by the crowd and handed over to the police. During his trial at the Red Fort, which began in May 1948, Godse chose to represent himself. In his powerful courtroom statement, which was later banned by the Indian government for its inflammatory content, he justified his actions as a patriotic duty to protect India from what he believed was Gandhi’s morally compromising and politically dangerous influence. Godse claimed that Gandhi's policies emboldened Pakistan, undermined Hindu pride, and created an atmosphere of national weakness.

Despite being condemned by the vast majority of Indian society, Godse maintained his ideological stance till the end. He was convicted of murder and conspiracy to assassinate Gandhi and was sentenced to death. Nathuram Godse was hanged on 15 November 1949, along with his co-conspirator Narayan Apte, at Ambala Central Jail.

The legacy of Nathuram Godse continues to evoke strong emotions in India. While mainstream India and historians regard him as an assassin who struck at the heart of the nation’s moral compass, some fringe elements have attempted to portray him as a misunderstood patriot. Nonetheless, the Kapoor Commission later confirmed the premeditated nature of the conspiracy and revealed that Godse was part of a larger ideological movement that rejected Gandhi’s pluralism and nonviolence.

2. Narayan Apte – Co-Conspirator and Executioner of the Plot

Narayan Dattatraya Apte was one of the principal architects behind the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi. Born in 1911 in Pune, Maharashtra, Apte was a well-educated man, holding a degree in science and having worked as a teacher. However, like Nathuram Godse, Apte’s worldview was deeply shaped by Hindu nationalist ideologies. He was closely associated with the Hindu Mahasabha, where he rose through the ranks as an active member. His ideological shift from educational pursuits to political extremism marked a significant turn in his life and role in independent India’s darkest chapter.

Apte came into close contact with Godse through the newspaper "Agranee", later renamed "Hindu Rashtra", which they jointly operated. The paper served as a platform to voice their opposition to Mahatma Gandhi's policies, particularly his advocacy for Hindu-Muslim unity and nonviolence. Over time, their ideological alliance strengthened into a conspiratorial partnership.

Narayan Apte played a crucial role in the logistical and strategic planning of Gandhi’s assassination. Where Godse was the ideological face and the shooter, Apte functioned as the operational backbone of the conspiracy. He was responsible for mobilizing men, procuring weapons, and identifying vulnerabilities in Gandhi’s routine that could be exploited. Apte also acted as a liaison among the other conspirators, including Vishnu Karkare, Madanlal Pahwa, and Gopal Godse.

Prior to the successful assassination attempt on 30 January 1948, Apte had been involved in a failed attempt earlier in Bombay (Mumbai), orchestrated with the help of Madanlal Pahwa. That initial plot failed due to Pahwa’s premature actions and subsequent arrest. Despite the failure, Apte remained undeterred and committed to achieving their objective, further intensifying the planning efforts.

On the day of the assassination, Apte accompanied Godse to Delhi and was reportedly present in the capital during the execution of the plan. Though he did not pull the trigger himself, his involvement in every preparatory aspect qualified him as a central conspirator. After Gandhi’s assassination, Apte attempted to flee but was arrested within days. His arrest, along with the testimonies and evidence collected, made it clear that he had played a decisive role in the plot.

During the trial, Apte remained defiant and expressed no remorse for his actions. Like Godse, he tried to justify the assassination on ideological grounds, accusing Gandhi of compromising Hindu interests and weakening India in the face of Pakistan’s aggression and communal demands. He portrayed the assassination as a necessary act of patriotism, a distorted view of nationalism that sought to mask a violent political crime as a moral imperative.

Narayan Apte was found guilty of conspiracy and murder and was sentenced to death by the special court at the Red Fort. He was executed alongside Nathuram Godse on 15 November 1949 at Ambala Central Jail. Apte’s role in the assassination of Gandhi has been recognized not merely as that of an accomplice but as a strategic mastermind, driven by radicalized ideology and militant Hindu nationalism.

3. Vishnu Karkare – The Silent Strategist in the Gandhi Assassination Plot

Vishnu Ramkrishna Karkare was one of the lesser-known but critical conspirators involved in the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi. Born in Maharashtra and affiliated with the Hindu Mahasabha, Karkare shared the ideological convictions of Nathuram Godse, Narayan Apte, and Gopal Godse. Though not a widely publicized figure like Nathuram Godse, Karkare's involvement was substantial, particularly in the failed attempt to assassinate Gandhi in Bombay (now Mumbai) and in the wider network that facilitated the January 30, 1948, killing.

Karkare was a deeply committed Hindu nationalist. Though specific details about his early life remain limited in public records, his ideological alignment with the extremist faction of the Hindu Mahasabha is well-documented. He was known to be in close contact with Nathuram Godse and Apte and attended several of their strategic meetings where the plan to kill Gandhi was discussed.

Vishnu Karkare’s most direct involvement was in the first failed assassination attempt on January 20, 1948, at Birla House, New Delhi. During this attempt, a bomb was thrown in the direction of Gandhi while he was at his prayer meeting. Though the bomb exploded, it did not cause any casualties, and Gandhi was unharmed. This attempt was not only meant to kill Gandhi but also to test the security arrangements and identify the ideal approach for a successful attack. Karkare’s role in this incident involved reconnaissance, coordination, and providing logistical support to other team members, notably Madanlal Pahwa, who was caught immediately after the blast.

Though Karkare fled Delhi immediately after the failed attempt, his involvement came to light during police interrogations and the broader investigation. Once Madanlal Pahwa was arrested, he revealed the names of his co-conspirators, including Karkare. Police began to piece together the larger conspiracy and arrested Karkare in the days following Gandhi’s actual assassination.

During the trial at the Red Fort, Karkare was charged under various sections, including conspiracy to murder, aiding and abetting, and participating in an act of terrorism. However, unlike Nathuram Godse and Narayan Apte, Karkare did not play a physical or direct role in the January 30 assassination. His involvement remained in the realm of planning and support. This distinction played a role in the court’s judgment.

While the court acknowledged his complicity in the conspiracy, it did not find sufficient grounds to sentence him to death. Instead, Karkare was given a life sentence for his role in the failed attempt and his active participation in the plot. His lower profile and indirect role meant that he remained a relatively obscure figure in the public consciousness compared to the primary assassins.

Vishnu Karkare’s case exemplifies how the plot to kill Gandhi was not the work of a single individual but the result of an organized and ideologically driven group that sought to challenge the principles of nonviolence and secularism that Gandhi embodied. Karkare's conviction helped establish the broader conspiracy beyond just Nathuram Godse and underscored the reach and structure of the extremist network behind the assassination.

4. Madanlal Pahwa – The Trigger for the First Failed Assassination Attempt

Madanlal Pahwa played a pivotal role in the lead-up to Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination, especially as the man responsible for the first failed attempt on Gandhi’s life on 20 January 1948. Though he did not participate in the final assassination on 30 January, his arrest following the failed bombing attempt helped law enforcement uncover the broader conspiracy involving Nathuram Godse, Narayan Apte, Vishnu Karkare, and others.

Born in 1920 in Pakistan’s Montgomery District (now in Punjab, Pakistan), Pahwa was a Hindu refugee who migrated to India during the Partition in 1947. The horrific communal violence that accompanied the Partition left a deep psychological scar on him. He witnessed firsthand the massacre and displacement of Hindus in what became Pakistan. These experiences intensified his hatred toward Muslims and made him extremely critical of Mahatma Gandhi’s policies of nonviolence and religious harmony. Pahwa viewed Gandhi’s support for the release of ₹55 crore to Pakistan as a betrayal of Hindu refugees and a submission to Muslim appeasement.

In Bombay, Pahwa came into contact with Hindu Mahasabha members and eventually connected with Narayan Apte and Nathuram Godse. Impressed by his anger and zeal, they recruited him into the plot to assassinate Gandhi. Pahwa’s major task was to serve as a field operator during the group’s initial attempt in Delhi.

On 20 January 1948, at Gandhi’s prayer meeting at Birla House, Pahwa was given the job of creating a diversion by hurling a crude bomb. The aim was not necessarily to kill Gandhi at that moment but to test the vulnerability of Gandhi’s security and trigger panic, which would help in planning a more accurate strike later. Pahwa carried out the task as planned: he detonated the bomb near the prayer ground. Fortunately, Gandhi was unharmed, and there were no injuries among the crowd.

However, Pahwa made a critical error after the bombing—he did not escape the scene quickly enough and was caught by bystanders and police. His arrest proved to be a turning point in the investigation. During interrogation, Pahwa revealed vital information about the conspiracy and named his accomplices, including Godse, Apte, Karkare, and others. His testimony became a key link in uncovering the assassination network.

Although Pahwa was not present during the successful assassination of Gandhi on 30 January, his involvement in the earlier attempt made him a central figure in the legal proceedings. During the Red Fort trial, Pahwa showed signs of remorse but defended his actions as being motivated by patriotic intent. He stated that Gandhi’s policies were harmful to the Hindu community and that he had acted out of anger and frustration caused by the Partition.

The court found Pahwa guilty of conspiracy and attempted assassination and sentenced him to life imprisonment. His role was not that of a mastermind but rather that of an emotionally volatile foot soldier, used by more ideologically driven conspirators like Godse and Apte.

Madanlal Pahwa’s case is significant because it reveals the intense communal bitterness of Partition and how personal trauma was weaponized by extremist ideologies. His actions, though unsuccessful, became the stepping stone for the final, fatal conspiracy against the Father of the Nation.

5. Shankar Kistaiya – The Subordinate Accomplice and Unsuspecting Participant

Shankar Kistaiya was one of the lesser-known and most marginally involved accused in the Mahatma Gandhi assassination case. His role, although officially recorded as part of the conspiracy, was relatively minor and non-strategic. He neither belonged to any political outfit like the Hindu Mahasabha nor was he an ideological participant in the plot. Rather, Kistaiya was a poor, uneducated domestic worker from Gwalior who was pulled into the plan by Nathuram Godse and Narayan Apte under circumstances that many later described as exploitative.

Born into a humble Dalit family, Shankar Kistaiya struggled with poverty and limited opportunities for education or employment. He came into contact with Godse and Apte in Gwalior, where he performed minor errands for them. Impressed by his loyalty and obedience, the two plotters took advantage of his financial desperation and included him in some of the logistics of their plan. His responsibilities, however, were limited to carrying luggage, delivering messages, or providing basic assistance, without any real knowledge of the gravity of the assassination conspiracy.

One of the most debated aspects of Kistaiya’s involvement was whether he had any true understanding of what he was being pulled into. Investigations later revealed that he had no direct role in the shooting or planning of the assassination of Gandhi. He did, however, accompany Godse and Apte during parts of their journey and assisted in transporting materials and coordinating travel arrangements, as instructed.

When the final act was carried out by Nathuram Godse on 30 January 1948, Kistaiya was not even present at Birla House. He was nowhere near the scene of the crime. His subordinate involvement and lack of ideological motivation were highlighted during the trial at the Red Fort. Even the prosecution acknowledged that he was not a core conspirator and had no significant influence over the execution of the plan.

During the court proceedings, Kistaiya appeared confused, frightened, and remorseful. He reportedly told the court that he did not understand the full implications of the tasks he had been given. Despite this, he was charged as a co-conspirator under the broader framework of the conspiracy law, which includes even minor participants in the legal liability.

The Kapoor Commission, which later reviewed the assassination in detail, also noted the exploitative nature of Kistaiya’s involvement. The Commission suggested that he was a victim of circumstance and manipulation rather than a willing or ideological participant.

Kistaiya was sentenced to life imprisonment, although there were repeated appeals for leniency on humanitarian grounds. Eventually, after several years in prison, he was released prematurely, in recognition of his marginal role and the circumstances under which he became involved.

Shankar Kistaiya's story stands as a poignant reminder of how individuals from marginalized backgrounds can become unwitting tools in violent political schemes. His involvement in the Gandhi assassination case was not rooted in ideology or conviction but in ignorance, poverty, and blind obedience—a tragic footnote in one of modern India’s most consequential events.

6. Gopal Godse – The Ideologue Behind the Curtain

Gopal Vinayak Godse, the younger brother of Nathuram Godse, was one of the core ideologues and conspirators in the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi. Though he did not fire the fatal bullets, Gopal’s contribution was critical in planning, encouraging, and ideologically shaping the conspiracy. An ardent follower of Hindu nationalist philosophy and a devoted member of the Hindu Mahasabha, Gopal Godse shared his brother Nathuram’s belief that Gandhi's policies were harmful to Hindu interests, especially in the wake of the Partition of India.

Born in 1919 in Pune, Gopal was brought up in a deeply religious and traditional Chitpavan Brahmin family. The Godse family was closely associated with Hindu revivalist ideologies, and Gopal, like his brother, was influenced by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar’s teachings. He joined the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in his youth and later aligned himself with the Hindu Mahasabha. Gopal’s ideological radicalization, combined with his loyalty to Nathuram, positioned him as one of the principal minds in the background of the assassination plot.

While Nathuram Godse and Narayan Apte were the executioners of the plan, Gopal played a vital support role—providing intellectual backing, arranging logistical support, and coordinating among the team members. He was deeply involved in the planning stages that took place in Pune, Bombay, and Gwalior. Gopal assisted in securing weapons, transportation, and communication for the conspirators. He also helped cover tracks after the failed bombing attempt on 20 January 1948, when Madanlal Pahwa was arrested in Delhi.

Gopal’s commitment to the cause was not passive. Evidence presented during the Red Fort trial and later reinforced by the Kapoor Commission revealed that Gopal was actively engaged in motivating Nathuram and other conspirators to act decisively. He shared the belief that Gandhi’s insistence on nonviolence and his fasting for Hindu-Muslim unity, especially after the Partition, endangered the newly-formed Indian state. In Gopal’s view, Gandhi was “too sympathetic” to Muslims and Pakistan, and his actions weakened Hindu morale.

During the trial, Gopal Godse did not express remorse for his involvement. He maintained a firm ideological stance, justifying the assassination as a political necessity. While he denied direct participation in the killing, his role as a conspirator was clearly established. The court found him guilty of conspiracy to murder and sentenced him to life imprisonment.

After serving nearly 16 years in prison, Gopal Godse was released in 1964. Unlike other conspirators who faded into obscurity, Gopal emerged as a vocal defender of the assassination. He authored several controversial books, including Why I Assassinated Mahatma Gandhi (co-authored with Nathuram posthumously), where he continued to defend their actions and criticized Gandhi’s politics. These writings stirred public debate and kept the ideological battle alive.

Until his death in 2005, Gopal remained unapologetic and defiant, continuing to justify Gandhi’s assassination as a patriotic act. His role in the conspiracy thus extended far beyond the courtroom—into the realm of historical narrative, ideological polarization, and political controversy

7. Dr. Dattatraya Parchure – The Shadowy Mentor and Ideological Enabler

Dr. Dattatraya Balwant Parchure, often referred to as Dr. D. B. Parchure, was a physician by profession and a prominent member of the Hindu Mahasabha. His alleged involvement in Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination has been one of the more debated aspects of the case, primarily because he occupied a mentor-like role for several conspirators and held influential ideological authority within the Hindu nationalist network. Though he was not physically present at the site of Gandhi’s assassination, Dr. Parchure was accused of contributing intellectual encouragement, strategic advice, and logistical support to the killers.

Born in 1890 and educated as a medical doctor, Parchure had earned the respect of many as an educated and upright man. However, by the 1940s, he had become deeply involved in Hindu nationalist politics, especially with the Hindu Mahasabha in Gwalior. He was a trusted associate of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, the ideological godfather of many of the conspirators. Dr. Parchure’s home in Gwalior served as a meeting point and safe house for Nathuram Godse, Narayan Apte, and others involved in the conspiracy.

According to the prosecution, Dr. Parchure was the one who provided the revolver to Godse, which was later used in the assassination. Though the exact details remained murky, witness testimonies and circumstantial evidence suggested that the weapon was procured with his help. Additionally, his residence was used for strategic meetings and planning in the days leading up to the assassination.

Dr. Parchure's name also surfaced in connection with the failed bomb attempt on 20 January 1948 at Birla House. While he was not in Delhi at the time, it was alleged that he was aware of the plot and did nothing to prevent it. His deep connections with key conspirators and his ideological influence made him a suspect in the eyes of law enforcement.

During the Red Fort trial, Dr. Parchure maintained his innocence. He denied all charges of conspiracy and claimed that he was unaware of the assassins’ intentions. Despite the lack of direct evidence linking him to the act of murder, the prosecution argued that his ideological mentoring and indirect support made him culpable under the conspiracy laws.

In November 1949, the trial court acquitted Dr. Parchure, citing insufficient direct evidence of active participation in the murder plot. However, his acquittal did not fully exonerate him in the public imagination or historical discourse. The Kapoor Commission, which re-investigated the Gandhi assassination in the 1960s, concluded that Dr. Parchure did play an enabling and sympathetic role, and that his ideological backing may have emboldened the assassins.

After the trial, Dr. Parchure withdrew from public life and returned to Gwalior. Unlike Gopal Godse, he never published writings or spoke publicly to defend the assassination, choosing instead a life of relative silence and obscurity. He passed away in the 1960s, his legacy forever tied to one of modern India’s darkest chapters.

Dr. Parchure’s role remains a cautionary tale about how ideological complicity and indirect support can contribute to acts of political violence, even without direct physical involvement.

The case was heard in Red Fort, Delhi, by a special court presided over by Justice Atma Charan Agarwala. The trial started in May 1948 and concluded in February 1949.

Verdict:

·         Nathuram Godse and Narayan Apte were sentenced to death and executed on 15 November 1949.

·         Gopal Godse, Karkare, Pahwa, and Kistaiya were awarded life sentences.

·         Dr. Parchure and Savarkar were acquitted due to insufficient evidence.

The acquittal of Savarkar remained a point of debate for decades, especially since the court cited lack of corroboration and eyewitness accounts despite the circumstantial evidence.

 

Detailed Report of the Kapoor Commission

The Kapur Commission Report, submitted in 1977, ran into several volumes and contained an exhaustive account of the circumstances leading to the assassination, intelligence lapses, political motivations, and evidence evaluation.

Key components of the report included:

·         Detailed examination of police records and intelligence reports from Maharashtra and Delhi.

·         Testimonies from over 100 witnesses, including former police officers, members of the RSS and Hindu Mahasabha, and family members of the accused.

·         Review of files from the Central and Bombay Governments concerning Gandhi’s security.

·         Analysis of previously ignored or unexamined documents, letters, and intelligence notes.

·         Reappraisal of the roles played by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar and others.

·         Cross-examination of statements made by the conspirator’s post-trial, especially Gopal Godse.

One of the significant revelations was that the Bombay Government and Delhi Police had foreknowledge of threats to Gandhi but failed to act adequately. Also, the presence of Savarkar’s bodyguards in meetings with the conspirators added weight to claims that Savarkar was part of the conspiracy, contrary to his earlier acquittal.

Findings of the Kapoor Commission

The Commission made several crucial findings:

1.      Lapses in Intelligence and Security:

Ø  There was prior information about threats to Gandhi’s life.

Ø  The Delhi Police and Bombay Government ignored or underestimated these threats.

Ø  Security arrangements at Birla House on the day of the assassination were grossly inadequate.

2.      Conspiracy Was Wider:

Ø  The assassination was not an act of a few individuals but a well-organized conspiracy.

Ø  Meetings and planning sessions involving several right-wing individuals were confirmed.

Ø  Gopal Godse’s statements corroborated these claims.

3.      Role of V.D. Savarkar:

Ø  The Commission found credible evidence to believe that Savarkar was part of the conspiracy.

Ø  Two of his close aides, Appa Kasar and Gajanan Damle, were seen meeting the main accused frequently.

Ø  Their testimony and presence had not been adequately pursued in the original trial.

4.      Administrative Failure:

Ø  Government officials showed negligence in following up on intelligence leads.

Ø  There was a lack of coordination between state and central intelligence agencies.

5.      Need for Accountability:

Ø  The report strongly recommended institutional reforms in intelligence sharing and VIP protection.

Ø  It advocated for better record-keeping and transparency in cases involving national security.

Opinions and Comments from Social, Political and Economic thinkers and Experts:

·         Tushar Gandhi (Gandhiji’s great-grandson):

“The Kapoor Commission revived a painful truth—that Bapu’s death was not just the act of one man, but a conspiracy rooted in hatred. It should be a moral document for every Indian.”

·         Vinoba Bhave’s associates (Bhoodan Movement):

Expressed regret that even after the report confirmed conspiracy, the nation did not pursue a deeper cleansing of hate-driven ideologies.

·         Sevagram Ashram Trust:

Called the report a "national wake-up call" that exposed how religious extremism and governmental negligence combined to destroy a moral leader.

·         Senior Congress leaders like Morarji Desai and K. Kamaraj appreciated the report for exposing Savarkar’s ideological links and blamed the rise of Hindu Mahasabha politics.

·         Indira Gandhi (Prime Minister at the time):

“The nation must not forget that intolerance can be fatal to democracy. Justice Kapoor’s findings must be read and remembered.”
(From a press statement in 1970)

·         Hindu Mahasabha & Right-Wing Groups:

Strongly rejected the Commission’s findings, particularly the renewed allegations against V.D. Savarkar.

Called it a “politically motivated attempt to defame nationalist leaders.”

·         RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh):

Maintained its distance, stating:

“RSS had no role in the assassination, and we oppose all acts of violence. Attempts to link the organization are baseless.”

·         Leftist and Socialist Parties:

Welcomed the Commission's findings as proof of the dangers of communal politics.

·         CPI(M) leader Harkishan Singh Surjeet remarked:

“The seeds of Gandhi’s murder were sown in a philosophy of hate. The Kapoor Commission proved that these forces are still active.”

·         Business Leaders and Industry Associations:

Generally silent or neutral, viewing the report as a political and moral issue, not an economic one.

·         Some progressive business figures in Mumbai and Delhi, however, acknowledged the social implications. J.R.D. Tata (privately, as per some memoirs):

“Gandhi's ideals were inclusive. Any report that reminds us of that is worthy of attention.”

·         Dr. Amartya Sen (later Nobel Laureate in Economics):
While not directly referencing the Commission, he often emphasized that Gandhi’s assassination reflected a failure to protect India’s ethical framework, which also affects economic justice.

·         Raj Krishna, renowned economist of the era:

“Social disharmony and communal hatred ultimately harm the economy. Gandhi’s vision was inclusive development. The Kapoor Commission reminded us of how far we strayed.”

·         Editorials in The Hindu and Indian Express (1970):

Praised the Kapoor Commission for being fact-based and fearless, but expressed disappointment that no further legal action followed.

·         Khushwant Singh, writer and editor:

“Kapoor’s findings are blunt, unapologetic. But India, as always, quickly moved on. We bury truth faster than we face it.”

·         Romila Thapar (Historian):

“The Commission brought historical clarity. It’s unfortunate that such crucial documents are not included in textbooks.”

Conclusion

The Kapoor Commission’s work filled in the gaps left by the original trial and re-established the narrative of Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination as a deliberate political conspiracy, compounded by administrative failure. It highlighted the dangers of ideological extremism and the importance of vigilance in a democracy.

The Kapoor Commission Report sparked deep reflection and polarized reactions across all sectors. While liberal, secular, and Gandhian voices praised it for uncovering deeper truths and holding institutional failures accountable, right-wing political factions rejected it as an ideological attack. The economic and industrial sector remained largely silent but recognized its indirect social and ethical impact on Indian democracy.

 

References:

1.      "Report of Commission of Inquiry into Conspiracy to Murder Mahatma Gandhi" (Kapoor Commission Report), 1969–1970
Government of India publication, chaired by Justice J. L. Kapoor.

2.      "Trial of Nathuram Godse and Others" – Sessions Court, Red Fort, Delhi (1948–1949), Official trial proceedings of Mahatma Gandhi's assassins. Published transcripts are available in archives and select government publications.

3.      "Why I Assassinated Mahatma Gandhi" – Nathuram Godse (compiled by Gopal Godse), Surya Bharti Prakashan, Provides Nathuram Godse’s own statement and justifications. ISBN: 9788188569042

4.      "Gandhi and His Assassin" by Dhirendra K. Jha (2023), Vintage Books, An investigative account that explores the ideological and organizational roots of the assassination. ISBN: 9780670097823

5.      "Let Us Kill Gandhi!" by Tushar A. Gandhi (2007), Rupa Publications, Written by Mahatma Gandhi’s great-grandson, this book gives a modern analysis of the assassination and its political-ideological background., ISBN: 9788129111758

6.      "The Men Who Killed Gandhi" by Manohar Malgonkar (1978, reprint 2008), Roli Books,  A well-researched account based on trial records and interviews; ISBN: 9788174365980

7.      Ramachandra Guha (2007), "Gandhi, The Years That Changed the World", Penguin Allen Lane, Comprehensive biography, including Gandhi’s final years and the political atmosphere surrounding his assassination; ISBN: 9780670083888

8.      National Archives of India – Digital Repository, https://www.nationalarchives.nic.in , Archival material, including photographs, letters, and trial summaries.

9.      Ministry of Home Affairs (India) – Gandhi Assassination Records Declassification Portal (2017)