Vinayak Damodar Savarkar Savarkar: A Patriot or a Problematic
Prophet of Hinduism?
Vinayak
Damodar Savarkar, often referred to as "Veer Savarkar," occupies a
unique and polarizing position in the history of India's freedom movement and
political thought. Revered by many for his early revolutionary activities and
feared by others for his ideological formulations, particularly Hindutva,
Savarkar's legacy continues to invite intense debate. This article explores the
dual facets of his persona: his conception of Hinduism and his status as a
patriot or hero of Indian freedom.
Savarkar's Concept of Hinduism: From
Dharma to Identity
Savarkar's
interpretation of Hinduism marked a significant departure from the spiritual
and philosophical traditions commonly associated with Sanatana Dharma. In his
1923 pamphlet "Hindutva: Who is a Hindu?", Savarkar defined
Hindus not by religious faith, but by shared cultural and territorial identity:
"A
Hindu means a person who regards this land of Bharatvarsha, from the Indus to
the Seas, as his Fatherland (Pitrubhumi) and Holyland (Punyabhumi)."
This
territorial and cultural definition turned Hinduism into a political identity,
distinct from and often exclusionary of other religious communities, especially
Muslims and Christians. Critics argue that this laid the foundation for a
majoritarian and homogenized national vision that opposed the inclusive and
pluralistic ethos of Indian society.
Prominent
thinkers like Rabindranath Tagore and Maulana Azad criticized
such racialized and geographic interpretations of Indian identity. In more
recent times, scholars such as Romila Thapar, Christophe Jaffrelot,
and A.G. Noorani have highlighted how Savarkar's Hindutva negated the
secular and composite culture of India, replacing it with a narrowly defined
ethno-nationalism.
Patriotism Under Scrutiny: Savarkar's Role
in the Freedom Movement
Savarkar's
early years are replete with tales of heroism. He formed the revolutionary
organization Abhinav Bharat, inspired by Giuseppe Mazzini, and was
arrested for his involvement in anti-British conspiracies, including the
assassination of British officials. His incarceration in the Cellular Jail of
Andaman became a symbol of revolutionary sacrifice.
However,
critics point out a stark contrast in his later years. After his release from
prison (following multiple mercy petitions), Savarkar largely withdrew from
active revolutionary politics and aligned himself with Hindu Mahasabha, which
collaborated with British authorities during World War II.
Acharya
P.K. Atre, a noted Marathi writer and initially a harsh critic
of Savarkar, famously asked in a 1941 editorial:
"Was
Savarkar a hero of freedom or an enemy of freedom?"
Atre
mocked Savarkar’s call for Hindus to join the British army, contrasting it with
his earlier denunciation of Indians in British service as "termites."
Furthermore,
while other leaders participated in the Quit India Movement of 1942, Savarkar
and the Hindu Mahasabha stayed aloof. This has led many to question whether his
nationalism was ever anti-colonial in its later years.
A Contested Legacy
Savarkar’s
defenders argue that his strategic realism, especially during WWII, was aimed
at strengthening Hindu society for future self-rule. They praise his writings,
including "The First War of Indian Independence," for
inspiring nationalist sentiment.
Yet,
his critics maintain that a patriot who pleads for clemency, abstains from mass
movements, and promotes a divisive ideology cannot be equated with those who
consistently fought for a free and inclusive India.
The
contrast between his early revolutionary fire and his later communal
conservatism forms the core of the debate around his legacy. While he may be
regarded as a patriot by some, the full weight of historical evidence renders
his heroism complex and, at times, compromised.
Acharya
Atre’s Editorials in Maratha (1941): A Bold Critique of Savarkar
In
1941, at a critical juncture in India's freedom movement, Acharya Pralhad
Keshav Atre; popularly known as P.K. Atre, emerged as one of the sharpest
critics of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar through a series of editorials published in
his Marathi daily Maratha. These writings were not mere political
commentaries; they were acerbic critiques rooted in Atre’s fierce commitment to
anti-colonial nationalism and secular humanism. Atre, known for his wit and
fearless articulation, directly questioned Savarkar’s ideological and political
trajectory, particularly in light of the Hindu Mahasabha’s collaboration with
the British Raj during World War II.
The
most striking among these editorials posed the now-famous rhetorical question:
"स्वातंत्र्यवीर की स्वातंत्र्याचे शत्रू?" ("A
hero of freedom or an enemy of freedom?")
This
provocation was not a mere play on words. Atre was disturbed by what he saw as
Savarkar's ideological betrayal. Once a revolutionary who symbolized
anti-British defiance, Savarkar, by the 1940s, had begun advocating Hindu
mobilization through the British Indian Army, ostensibly to protect India from
external threats. Atre found this justification deeply contradictory. He
reminded readers of Savarkar’s earlier writings where he had likened Indians
who served the British Empire to "termite-infested wood." Now,
Savarkar was asking Hindu youth to join the same colonial forces. Atre wrote:
"१९०८ मध्ये ज्यांनी ब्रिटिश सेवेतील भारतीयांना दीमक म्हटले, तेच सावरकर आता ब्रिटिशांच्या सेनेत भरती व्हा म्हणतात. हे क्रांतीचे नव्हे,
स्वार्थाचे लक्षण आहे!"
("The
same Savarkar who, in 1908, called Indians in British service 'termites' is now
urging them to join the British army. This is not a sign of revolution but of
self-interest!")
Another
editorial mocked Savarkar's diminishing revolutionary zeal:
"सशस्त्र उठाव झाला तर मी पहिल्या ओळीत असेन, असं म्हणणाऱ्या
सावरकरांना कोणी थांबवलं आहे का?"
("Savarkar
says he’ll be at the front line if there’s an armed rebellion. What’s stopping
him now?")
Atre
did not limit himself to political contradictions; he delved into the moral
implications of Savarkar’s shift. He accused Savarkar of communalizing Indian
politics by aligning with the Hindu Mahasabha’s religious majoritarianism and
distancing himself from the inclusive ideals championed by the Indian National
Congress and the Quit India Movement.
The
effect of these editorials was profound. In Maharashtra, where both Savarkar
and Atre were revered public intellectuals, this ideological confrontation
sparked widespread debate. Atre, despite his deep respect for India’s
revolutionary past, was uncompromising in holding Savarkar accountable for his
political decisions. The editorials showcased Atre’s fierce independence as a
thinker and underscored a broader ideological divide between inclusive
nationalism and sectarian identity politics.
Ironically,
Atre’s stance softened in later years, particularly after Partition and the
growing communal divide in Indian politics. He acknowledged Savarkar’s literary
genius and even penned the foreword to an abridged edition of Sattavanache
Swatantryasamar. Yet, his 1941 editorials remain among the most powerful
critiques of Savarkar by a contemporary and intellectual peer. They exemplify
how political discourse in colonial India was alive with ideological
contestation, not just unity against the British.
Contemporary
Critiques: Parimal Maya Sudhakar's Analysis
Parimal
Maya Sudhakar, a contemporary political analyst and commentator, offers a
nuanced but pointed critique of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar’s legacy—particularly
his ideological contradictions and political conduct in the later stages of his
life. Through his widely circulated essay titled "Was Savarkar a Hero
or Enemy? Thus Asked Acharya Atre", Sudhakar examines Savarkar not
merely as a revolutionary icon but as a complex and, at times, deeply
contradictory political figure. He uses the lens of historical contemporaries
like Acharya Atre to sharpen his own assessment of Savarkar’s ideological
transformation from radical anti-colonialism to communal conservatism.
At
the heart of Sudhakar’s critique lies the argument that Savarkar’s strategic
shift from a revolutionary to a collaborator with the British Empire during
World War II cannot be dismissed as mere political pragmatism. According to
Sudhakar, this shift marked a fundamental break with the spirit of the freedom
movement, which at the time was rallying behind the Quit India Movement led by
Mahatma Gandhi. In sharp contrast, Savarkar, as president of the Hindu
Mahasabha, urged Hindu youth to join the British Indian Army. Sudhakar
underscores that this appeal was not made under duress but was a deliberate
political choice, ostensibly aimed at strengthening Hindu society. Yet, in
Sudhakar’s analysis, this also legitimized British rule at a time when the
nation was calling for complete independence.
Sudhakar
builds on Acharya Atre’s criticism by showing how Savarkar’s advocacy for
military enlistment contradicted his earlier revolutionary ideals. He refers to
Savarkar’s own 1908 writings, where he condemned Indians who served in British
administration as lacking patriotism and likened them to "termites."
That the same man, decades later, would call for organized participation in the
colonial army appeared not only inconsistent but opportunistic.
Furthermore,
Sudhakar critiques Savarkar’s theory of Hindutva as the foundation of a
political ideology that substituted cultural and territorial nationalism for
spiritual pluralism. He draws attention to how Savarkar’s definition of a Hindu;
as someone who regards India as both Pitrubhumi (fatherland) and Punyabhumi
(holy land); effectively excluded Indian Muslims and Christians from the
national fold. Sudhakar sees this as the beginning of a narrow, exclusionary
nationalism that runs counter to the secular, inclusive nationalism envisioned
by Gandhi, Nehru, and Maulana Azad.
In
Sudhakar’s view, Savarkar’s legacy must be judged not only by his early
sacrifices—such as his incarceration in the Cellular Jail—but also by his
political choices thereafter. The fact that Savarkar submitted multiple mercy
petitions to the British, agreed to abstain from political activity, and later
aligned with communal political formations, raises serious ethical questions.
For Sudhakar, this duality disqualifies Savarkar from being venerated as an
unequivocal hero of Indian independence.
Rather
than dismissing Savarkar entirely, Sudhakar presents him as a tragic and
contradictory figure—brilliant, brave, yet fatally compromised by sectarianism
and strategic miscalculations. His critique is not rooted in personal animus
but in an attempt to foreground the ideological fissures within India’s freedom
movement and their continuing impact on post-independence political discourse.
Tushar
Gandhi on Savarkar: A Legacy of Compromise and Communalism
Tushar
Gandhi, the great-grandson of Mahatma Gandhi and a vocal public intellectual,
has been a consistent critic of the contemporary glorification of Vinayak
Damodar Savarkar. Through his speeches, writings, and interviews, Tushar Gandhi
challenges not just Savarkar’s actions but also the ideological framework he
championed—Hindutva. His critique is grounded in moral reasoning,
historical scrutiny, and a commitment to secular nationalism, which he believes
was undermined by Savarkar’s political vision and conduct.
Tushar
Gandhi often begins by acknowledging Savarkar’s early contributions as a
revolutionary, particularly his involvement in organizing resistance against
British rule and his incarceration in the Cellular Jail. However, Gandhi
juxtaposes this early heroism with what he describes as Savarkar’s
ideological betrayal of the freedom struggle. One of his central criticisms
concerns Savarkar’s mercy petitions to the British during his
imprisonment. Tushar argues that repeatedly begging for clemency and pledging
loyalty to the British Crown fundamentally contradicts the revolutionary ideal
of self-sacrifice and non-cooperation, which was epitomized by leaders like
Bhagat Singh and Mahatma Gandhi.
In
public discussions, Tushar Gandhi has frequently cited the Quit India
Movement of 1942 to highlight a moral and political divergence. While the
Indian National Congress, under Mahatma Gandhi’s leadership, launched a mass
civil disobedience movement demanding immediate British withdrawal, Savarkar
and the Hindu Mahasabha actively opposed the movement. In fact, Savarkar
encouraged Hindus to remain loyal to the British and to join the British Indian
Army. For Tushar Gandhi, this represents not pragmatic nationalism but
strategic betrayal, especially when millions of Indians were being
imprisoned, tortured, or killed for defying colonial authority.
Another
major theme in Tushar Gandhi’s critique is Savarkar’s communal ideology.
He views Hindutva not as a cultural awakening, as Savarkar proposed, but as a deliberate
political project to create a Hindu Rashtra—a vision that inherently
excludes Muslims, Christians, and other religious minorities. In multiple
interviews, Tushar Gandhi has warned that the promotion of Savarkar as a
national hero is not merely about reclaiming a forgotten freedom fighter, but
about reshaping India’s national identity into a narrowly defined
ethno-religious construct.
Tushar
Gandhi also addresses the connection between Savarkar and Nathuram Godse,
Mahatma Gandhi’s assassin. While Savarkar was acquitted in the Gandhi
assassination trial, Tushar Gandhi insists that Savarkar’s ideological
influence on Godse is undeniable. Both were members of the Hindu Mahasabha, and
Godse openly admitted to being inspired by Savarkar’s writings. Tushar often
points to this ideological link to underline the dangerous consequences of
divisive rhetoric and exclusionary nationalism.
In
conclusion, Tushar Gandhi’s critique of Savarkar centers on the tension between
early revolutionary zeal and later communal conservatism. For him,
Savarkar’s legacy is not one of untainted heroism but of moral compromise,
political collaboration, and ideological exclusion. While recognizing
Savarkar’s historical significance, Tushar Gandhi warns against elevating him
to the status of a national ideal, arguing that doing so endangers the
pluralistic and inclusive foundation of Indian democracy.
A.G.
Noorani on Savarkar: Ideologue of Hate and Hindutva
A.G.
Noorani, renowned legal scholar, historian, and political commentator, presents
a sharply critical portrait of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar in his seminal book Savarkar
and Hindutva: The Godse Connection. Drawing upon archival documents, court
records, and Savarkar's own writings, Noorani constructs a detailed and damning
analysis of Savarkar’s ideological influence, his political opportunism, and
his alleged complicity in Gandhi’s assassination.
At
the heart of Noorani’s critique is the assertion that Savarkar was the intellectual
father of Hindutva, a political ideology fundamentally distinct from
Hinduism as a religion. Savarkar’s formulation of Hindutva, as outlined in his
1923 pamphlet Who is a Hindu?, defines national identity through ethnic,
territorial, and religious homogeneity. Noorani argues that this construct
inherently excludes Muslims and Christians, since their Punyabhumi (holy
land) lies outside India, making them forever alien in Savarkar’s nationalist
vision.
Noorani
criticizes this conception of nationhood as deeply communal and
anti-democratic, laying the ideological groundwork for Hindu
majoritarianism. He contrasts it with the inclusive nationalism of Gandhi,
Nehru, and Azad, which saw India as a composite nation of diverse faiths and
cultures. According to Noorani, Savarkar’s Hindutva was not only divisive but
inherently hostile to secularism, pluralism, and the freedom struggle led by
the Indian National Congress.
A
significant portion of Noorani’s critique focuses on Savarkar’s relationship
with Nathuram Godse, the assassin of Mahatma Gandhi. Although Savarkar was
acquitted in the Gandhi murder trial due to lack of direct evidence, Noorani
presents compelling circumstantial links that, in his view, strongly implicate
Savarkar in the conspiracy. He draws on court testimonies, particularly that of
Digambar Badge, a prosecution witness who claimed to have overheard
Godse and Narayan Apte discussing the assassination at Savarkar's residence.
Noorani also points to the fact that both Godse and Apte were former members of
the Hindu Mahasabha and were ideologically mentored by Savarkar.
Beyond
the legal case, Noorani argues that Savarkar created the ideological climate
that made Gandhi’s assassination thinkable. Gandhi’s commitment to
Hindu-Muslim unity and his advocacy for minority rights made him, in the eyes
of Hindu communalists, a traitor. Savarkar’s writings and speeches consistently
vilified Muslims and portrayed Hinduism as perpetually under siege, legitimizing
political violence as a form of national salvation.
Another
aspect Noorani criticizes is Savarkar’s political opportunism. After his
release from the Cellular Jail, Savarkar submitted multiple mercy petitions to
the British and pledged to abstain from anti-government activity. Noorani
interprets this as a betrayal of revolutionary ideals. Worse, during World War
II, Savarkar, as president of the Hindu Mahasabha, encouraged Hindu
participation in the British Indian Army, directly opposing the Quit India
Movement.
In
conclusion, Noorani paints Savarkar not as a misunderstood patriot but as a communal
ideologue whose politics of exclusion, collaboration with colonial rulers,
and influence on Gandhi’s assassin cast a long and dangerous shadow over Indian
democracy. For Noorani, Savarkar’s legacy must be understood not through the
lens of early revolutionary activity, but through the enduring divisiveness of
Hindutva ideology.
Romila
Thapar on Savarkar: Myth, History, and the Politics of Hindutva
In
The Past as Present: Forging Contemporary Identities Through History,
eminent historian Romila Thapar critically evaluates the ideological
foundations and historical claims of Hindu nationalism, with Vinayak Damodar
Savarkar emerging as a central figure in this critique. Thapar does not
critique Savarkar merely as a political actor but dissects how his
interpretation of Indian history, particularly through the lens of Hindutva,
distorts the complexity and plurality of India's past to serve a sectarian
political agenda.
At
the core of Thapar's criticism is Savarkar’s conceptual shift from Hinduism
as a religion to Hindutva as a political identity. In his 1923 tract Hindutva:
Who is a Hindu?, Savarkar redefined Hindu identity based on shared ancestry
(jati), shared culture (sanskriti), and a shared homeland (pitrubhumi).
Thapar argues that this redefinition was not only exclusionary but also ahistorical,
as it deliberately ignored the layered evolution of Indian identity over
centuries of interaction between diverse faiths, languages, and cultures.
Thapar
highlights that Savarkar’s historical imagination was mythic rather than
empirical. In constructing a narrative of uninterrupted Hindu glory that
was disrupted by "foreign" invasions—particularly Muslim—Savarkar
constructed a linear, conflict-driven version of Indian history. Thapar
challenges this by asserting that Indian history is not a tale of
civilizational conflict but of cultural synthesis, where Buddhism,
Jainism, Islam, and Christianity contributed richly to the Indian experience.
By framing Muslims and Christians as alien to Indian soil, Savarkar, in
Thapar’s view, promotes a monolithic and militarized vision of Indian
identity that contradicts both historical evidence and democratic values.
She
also critiques Savarkar’s celebration of violence as a means of
reclaiming national pride. His writings glorify acts of retribution and
masculine aggression, such as his interpretation of Shivaji and the 1857
revolt, where he celebrates brutal resistance against perceived Muslim
domination. Thapar argues that this selective valorization of history romanticizes
vengeance and undermines the ethical foundations of India's anti-colonial
struggle, which was largely rooted in nonviolence and civil resistance.
Furthermore,
Thapar is deeply concerned with the politicization of the past.
Savarkar’s historical reinterpretation, she argues, has been instrumental in justifying
contemporary communal politics. By projecting an ancient golden Hindu past
and blaming minorities for its "decline," Savarkar laid the
groundwork for majoritarian narratives that marginalize India's Muslim
and Christian citizens. Thapar warns that such distorted readings of history
are not merely academic concerns but have real political consequences,
fueling social polarization and undermining the secular, pluralistic character
of the Indian Constitution.
Romila
Thapar concludes that Savarkar’s influence lies not just in his political
actions but in how his version of history has reshaped public memory and
political discourse in India. She calls for critical engagement with the
past, rooted in evidence and openness, rather than using it as a tool for
ideological indoctrination.
Final
Conclusion:
Vinayak
Damodar Savarkar remains one of the most polarizing figures in Indian history,
eliciting sharp responses from both admirers and critics. Critics highlight his
ideological rigidity and his association with the ideological roots of Hindu
nationalism. A.G. Noorani draws a clear line between Savarkar's philosophy and
Nathuram Godse’s actions, suggesting a dangerous proximity between ideological
extremism and political violence. Tushar Gandhi and panel discussions in The
Wire, Scroll, and The Hindu stress how Savarkar’s ideas of
Hindutva diverged from inclusive nationalism, promoting a cultural
homogenization that alienated minorities. Romila Thapar and Christophe
Jaffrelot similarly view his rewriting of history and identity through the
Hindutva lens as a distortion of India’s pluralist fabric.
However,
critics like Acharya Atre present a nuanced picture. Initially skeptical, Atre
later recognized Savarkar's courage and literary prowess, as seen in both Esakal
and Sudhakar’s reflections. This evolution reflects a broader tension between
rejecting his ideology and acknowledging his intellect and influence.
Savarkar's historical works, especially 1857, are noted for rekindling
revolutionary spirit but critiqued for ideological overreach.
In
sum, Savarkar’s critics see him as a brilliant but deeply divisive figure whose
ideas continue to challenge India’s democratic and secular ethos.
References
and Sources:
1. Atre,
P.K. (Acharya). Editorials from Maratha, 1941
2. Gandhi,
Tushar., The Wire interview:
“Tushar Gandhi on Revisiting Savarkar’s Legacy” (2018) & Scroll.in
and The Hindu panel discussions on Hindutva and Savarkar (2017-2023)
3. Sudhakar,
Parimal Maya.“Was Savarkar a Hero or Enemy? Thus Asked
Acharya Atre.”Published on 20 December 2020, on
the author’s official blog.
Link: https://parimalmayasudhakar.in/2020/12/20/was-savarkar-hero-or-enemy-thus-asked-acharya-atre/
4. Savarkar,
V.D.
Hindutva: Who is a Hindu? Veer Savarkar Prakashan, 1923.
5. Savarkar,
V.D.
The First War of Indian Independence: 1857, Veer Savarkar Prakashan.
6. Noorani,
A.G.
Savarkar and Hindutva: The Godse Connection, LeftWord Books.
7. Thapar,
Romila. The Past as Present: Forging Contemporary
Identities Through History, Aleph Book Company.
8. Jaffrelot,
Christophe. The Hindu Nationalist Movement and Indian
Politics, Penguin India.
9. Esakal. "सावरकारांविषयी आचार्य अत्रे येंचे मतबदल"
(Acharya
Atre's change in opinion on Savarkar). esakal.com
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