Book Review: The Prince by Niccolo Machiavelli

 

Book Review: The Prince by Niccolo Machiavelli

1. Book Name: The Prince

Author: Niccolo Machiavelli (1469–1527), an Italian diplomat, political philosopher, historian, and writer of the Renaissance period.

Pages: 180 (English)

Translated by: William K. Marriott (in 1908)

Publication History:

The Prince was written in 1513 during Machiavelli’s exile from political life, but it was published posthumously in 1532, five years after his death. The first edition appeared in Rome and was printed by Antonio Blado d’Asola. Despite being relatively short, the book had a profound impact on political theory and is considered one of the earliest works of modern political philosophy.

Originally circulated in manuscript form, The Prince gained widespread attention across Europe after its first printed edition. Since then, it has been translated into dozens of languages and studied across centuries, remaining an essential text in political science, ethics, and leadership studies.

Total Editions and Current Edition:

Over the past 500 years, The Prince has undergone hundreds of editions, translated and published by various scholars and publishers. As of 2025:

·         There are over 400 known print editions, not counting online and digital versions.

·         The most cited English translations include:

• Luigi Ricci (1908) — Modern Library Classics
• W. K. Marriott (1908) — Project Gutenberg version
• Peter Bondanella (2005) — Oxford World’s Classics
• Harvey C. Mansfield (1998) — University of Chicago Press
• Quentin Skinner’s interpretations in Cambridge texts are also influential.

The current scholarly edition most widely used in academia is:

·         The Prince, translated and annotated by Harvey C. Mansfield, published by the University of Chicago Press (1998, reprinted 2011, 2020 editions still in print in 2025).

Total Parts or Chapters:

The Prince contains a dedication and 26 chapters, usually organized into the following sections:

·         Dedication: To Lorenzo de’ Medici

·         Chapters 1 to11: Types of Principalities

·         Chapters 12 to 14: Military Forces and Strategy

·         Chapters 15 to 23: Conduct and Character of a Prince

·         Chapters 24 to 26: Case Studies and Italy’s Political Crisis

Chapters I–XI: Types of Principalities

Chapters I to XI of Niccolo Machiavelli’s The Prince lay the theoretical foundation of his political treatise. These chapters analyze various forms of political rule, known as principalities, and how rulers come to power, hold on to it, or lose it. Machiavelli employs a pragmatic, historical, and often cynical perspective in identifying the strategies necessary for rulers to preserve stability and authority. The author’s central argument is that power must be understood and preserved through realistic—not idealistic—means.

Chapter I: The Types of Principalities and How They Are Acquired

Machiavelli begins with a classification of states into two main categories: republics and principalities. Since The Prince does not deal with republics (which he discusses in his other work, Discourses on Livy), he focuses entirely on principalities. These are further divided into:

·         Hereditary principalities (ruled by established dynasties)

·         New principalities, which are acquired through various means—arms, fortune, or wickedness

The acquisition and maintenance of new states, especially in the context of Renaissance Italy, becomes Machiavelli’s main concern.

Chapter II: Hereditary Principalities

In this chapter, Machiavelli argues that hereditary principalities are the easiest to govern, as people are accustomed to the ruling family. A hereditary prince faces fewer challenges unless he behaves in a radically incompetent or oppressive manner. He can rely on the inertia of tradition and loyalty.

Chapter III: Mixed Principalities

When a prince acquires new territories attached to his existing dominions, these are called mixed principalities. They are difficult to govern because they come with unfamiliar customs, local loyalties, and the potential resentment of the people. Machiavelli recommends:

·         Eliminating the previous ruling family

·         Living in the newly acquired territory

·         Protecting local privileges while gradually introducing change

He also stresses that experience and adaptability are crucial, and that a wise ruler must “trouble the waters” to establish authority.

Chapter IV: The Case of Darius and Alexander

Machiavelli uses the historical example of Alexander the Great’s conquest of the Persian Empire to compare centralized monarchies (like Persia) with fragmented systems (like France or Renaissance Italy). He explains that centralized systems are easier to conquer but harder to keep, whereas decentralized systems are harder to conquer but easier to maintain after victory. This distinction remains important in understanding modern governance and foreign occupation.

Chapter V: Governing Former Republics

Machiavelli warns that former republics are particularly dangerous to govern because of their ingrained love of liberty. He proposes three options for the conqueror:

1.      Destroy the republic completely

2.      Reside in it personally

3.      Permit limited autonomy while controlling power indirectly

Of these, total destruction is deemed the most secure method.

Chapter VI: New Principalities Acquired by Virtù

Machiavelli introduces the idea of virtù, a mix of skill, strength, cunning, and decisiveness. He praises rulers like Moses, Cyrus, Romulus, and Theseus, who rose to power through personal brilliance and seized opportunity. These rulers created their own order and did not rely solely on luck. According to Machiavelli, founders of new states must be ruthless and visionary, using any means necessary to lay the foundations of power.

Chapter VII: New Principalities Acquired by Fortune

Here, Machiavelli contrasts virtù with fortuna—luck or chance. He discusses the example of Cesare Borgia, whom he admires for his political acumen and ruthlessness. Borgia, aided by his father Pope Alexander VI, came to power by fortune but worked hard to secure it with clever strategy. Though ultimately unsuccessful due to misfortune (the death of his father), Borgia remains Machiavelli’s prototype of a successful ruler.

The moral: Fortune can give power, but only virtù can preserve it.

Chapter VIII: Princedoms Gained Through Wickedness

Some men become rulers through nefarious means, including murder and betrayal. Machiavelli does not condemn this route but analyzes it dispassionately. He uses Agathocles of Syracuse as an example: a brutal man who killed his rivals to seize power. While Agathocles lacked moral virtue, he showed political skill.

Machiavelli draws a distinction between cruelties well-used (swift, necessary, and once-for-all) and cruelties poorly used (repeated, excessive, or unnecessary). The former can secure power; the latter lead to downfall.

Chapter IX: The Civil Principality

This is the most relatable form of rule in Machiavelli’s day: a man from among the people rises to power, usually through manipulation of popular support or elite favor. Such a ruler must maintain the balance between the nobles and the masses:

·         The nobles are ambitious and self-serving

·         The people want only to be left alone

Machiavelli advises rulers to side with the people, who are more loyal and less ambitious.

Chapter X: How to Measure the Strength of a Principality

The strength of a principality depends on its ability to defend itself without outside help. A self-reliant state is more secure than one dependent on foreign armies or alliances. Machiavelli encourages rulers to:

·         Build fortresses strategically

·         Cultivate local loyalty

·         Maintain a well-trained militia

However, fortresses should not be the sole source of protection—popular support is more important.

Chapter XI: Ecclesiastical Principalities

These are states ruled by religious authorities, such as the Papal States. Machiavelli finds them unique because they are maintained by religion, tradition, and divine legitimacy, not secular virtù or arms. Once established, ecclesiastical states are nearly impossible to dislodge due to the people’s deep-rooted belief systems.

Yet Machiavelli criticizes the political corruption of the Church and argues that religious authority has contributed to Italy’s fragmentation.

These eleven chapters form the intellectual architecture of Machiavelli’s vision. He methodically explores how power functions in different political environments. Several consistent themes emerge:

·         Realism over idealism: Rulers must accept the world as it is, not as they wish it to be.

·         The priority of security: A prince’s first duty is to preserve the state, even through violence or deception if necessary.

·         Adaptability: The ability to mold oneself to changing circumstances is more valuable than strict adherence to ethics.

Machiavelli’s tone is often clinical, even chilling. He offers no moral sermon, only practical analysis. For modern readers, this separation of politics from morality was a groundbreaking shift, laying the foundation for political realism.

Chapters I–XI of The Prince remain some of the most enduring and controversial writings in the history of political thought. They challenge idealistic visions of leadership and instead propose that power is an art, requiring bold action, manipulation, and sometimes cruelty. Machiavelli neither glorifies nor condemns tyranny—he explains it, offering future leaders a survival guide for governance. Whether admired as wisdom or condemned as cynicism, these chapters are essential reading for anyone trying to understand the mechanics of power.

Review of Chapters XII–XIV: Military Forces and Strategy

Chapters XII to XIV of The Prince mark a critical thematic shift from the types of principalities to the instruments by which a prince can preserve and defend his state. For Machiavelli, no topic is more vital to state survival than the art of war, particularly military structure, preparedness, and independence. These three chapters are a concise yet powerful treatise on military strategy, and Machiavelli delivers a blunt verdict: a prince who lacks mastery in military matters will lose his state.

Machiavelli’s message is shaped by his own political experience in Florence, his admiration for ancient Rome, and his disdain for the mercenary and auxiliary forces that plagued Italy during his time. These chapters continue his pragmatic, unsentimental approach: power is protected by force, and virtù without arms is useless.

Chapter XII: Different Kinds of Military Forces and Mercenaries

Machiavelli begins his military analysis by identifying the four kinds of armies a prince might use:

1.      Mercenaries – Paid soldiers who serve for money

2.      Auxiliaries – Troops borrowed from another prince

3.      Mixed troops – A combination of mercenaries, auxiliaries, and native forces

4.      Native or national armies – Composed of a prince's own subjects

He fiercely condemns mercenaries, calling them "disunited, undisciplined, ambitious, and faithless." These soldiers are loyal to money, not the prince, and will flee in the face of real danger. Italy, he argues, has suffered due to reliance on mercenaries, who turned wars into chaos and often extorted their employers.

Machiavelli illustrates this failure with examples like Francesco Sforza, who began as a mercenary and seized Milan for himself. He also highlights that mercenary leaders become potential rivals, not allies, to their employers. The bottom line: a prince who uses mercenaries puts himself at the mercy of disloyal strangers.

Chapter XIII: Auxiliaries, Mixed Troops, and the Dangers of Dependency

In this chapter, Machiavelli addresses auxiliaries—armies provided by another sovereign—as an even more dangerous option than mercenaries. While mercenaries may be cowardly, auxiliaries are well-trained but loyal to someone else. This creates a paradox: a prince wins battles not with his own strength, but with borrowed arms.

He writes, “Auxiliary troops are useless and dangerous… if they are defeated, you are ruined; if victorious, you become their prisoner.” This was not a theoretical concern for Machiavelli. Italian city-states like Florence and Naples often borrowed foreign troops (from Spain, France, or the Papacy), only to find themselves enslaved by their supposed allies.

He criticizes Pope Julius II’s reliance on Swiss troops, pointing out that Julius succeeded not because auxiliaries are effective, but because the conditions were unusually favorable. Machiavelli sees this as an exception, not a rule.

Mixed troops, combining mercenaries or auxiliaries with native soldiers, fare only slightly better. The ultimate conclusion remains unchanged: self-reliance is the only secure military foundation.

Chapter XIV: The Prince and the Art of War

This chapter is one of the most essential in The Prince. Here, Machiavelli issues a direct command: “A prince must have no other objective or thought, nor take anything else as his profession, but war, its institutions, and its discipline.”

He emphasizes two key ideas:

1. Military Excellence as the Foundation of Political Power

Machiavelli believes that history proves this principle. All great rulers—from Alexander to Caesar—built their empires through military strength. War is not only about physical battles; it is the means by which a state asserts authority, deters rivals, and defends its sovereignty. A prince who neglects military readiness will be unprepared in crisis and vulnerable to invasion or internal rebellion.

He also rejects the idea that peace is permanent or self-sustaining. Instead, peace is merely the time during which a prince must prepare for war. This reflects his deep pessimism about human nature and geopolitics.

2. Study and Preparation in Peacetime

A wise prince must use periods of peace to train both physically and mentally. Physically, he should hunt and exercise to remain vigorous. Mentally, he should read historical texts, especially those of ancient commanders, to learn strategies, tactics, and leadership.

Machiavelli believes that history is a living laboratory, offering timeless lessons. He singles out Philopoemen, the Greek general, as a model ruler who constantly trained his soldiers and analyzed terrain, even during peacetime.

The prince must also personally understand terrain and geography, since military success often hinges on how well a leader uses the landscape to his advantage.

Machiavelli’s Political-Military Philosophy

In these chapters, Machiavelli draws a direct connection between military force and political legitimacy. For him, a state built on good laws but weak arms is a fantasy. The foundation of political survival is military independence, and everything else—justice, diplomacy, art, religion—depends on a prince’s ability to protect his realm.

This marks a significant departure from earlier political thinkers, especially those from the Christian tradition, who saw war as a necessary evil or a last resort. Machiavelli, by contrast, sees war as the first duty of leadership and a normal, even honorable, activity of a prince.

His approach is also revolutionary in another way: he secularizes power. God does not grant victory—well-prepared, strong, and disciplined forces do. This is consistent with the broader theme of The Prince: success is achieved by skill, not providence.

Historical Context and Real-World Relevance

Machiavelli’s emphasis on native arms was a direct critique of Renaissance Italy’s political weaknesses. Italian city-states frequently relied on foreign allies and condottieri (mercenary captains), which led to Italy being dominated by foreign powers like France, Spain, and the Holy Roman Empire. The chaos of the Italian Wars (1494–1559) was, in Machiavelli’s eyes, the direct result of military dependence and internal division.

His warnings remain applicable in the modern world. States that outsource their defense—whether through foreign militaries, international coalitions, or private military contractors—can find themselves strategically exposed. The importance of a professional, loyal, and domestically controlled armed force is a core lesson with global relevance.

Chapters XII to XIV of The Prince are a sharp, disciplined, and uncompromising analysis of military power. Machiavelli declares that the fate of rulers depends on their mastery of arms, not their moral standing or diplomatic skill. His contempt for mercenaries and auxiliaries reflects his deep belief that only self-reliance, training, and preparedness can preserve political authority.

This section is more than a discussion of soldiers and war; it is a profound assertion that military strength is the soul of the state. In an era when Italy was divided, vulnerable, and at the mercy of external powers, Machiavelli called for a return to Roman principles: loyalty, discipline, and civic militarism.

For readers of politics, history, and strategy, these chapters serve as a timeless manual on the fundamental link between arms and authority. They remind us that even in times of peace, the art of war remains a prince’s truest profession.

Review of Chapters XV–XXIII: Conduct and Character of a Prince

Chapters XV to XXIII of The Prince form the ethical and psychological core of Niccolo Machiavelli’s political philosophy. These chapters explore the ideal conduct, behavior, and image of a ruler. Machiavelli moves away from traditional moral values and introduces a radical shift in political thinking: a prince should not aim to be virtuous in the classical sense but effective in achieving and maintaining power.

In these chapters, he tackles essential questions: What qualities should a ruler possess? Should he be loved or feared? Should he keep his promises? How should he manage his public image? Machiavelli provides bold, provocative answers, many of which have generated centuries of debate.

Chapter XV: Of the Things for Which Men, Especially Princes, Are Praised or Blamed

Machiavelli begins this section by acknowledging that many previous writers have described ideal rulers using moral virtues like justice, honesty, generosity, and compassion. But, he argues, these idealistic models are impractical and dangerous in the real world. Instead, Machiavelli urges rulers to base their behavior on the actual nature of people and politics, not philosophical dreams.

He declares that a prince must be willing to act against virtue when necessary. It is not that Machiavelli opposes virtue altogether—he simply insists that virtue must be flexible. A good prince must know how not to be good when circumstances demand it.

This pragmatic morality is a defining feature of Machiavellian thought.

Chapter XVI: Of Liberality and Parsimony

Machiavelli discusses the trait of liberality (generosity), a quality traditionally praised. He argues that excessive generosity harms a ruler because it leads to higher taxes, public resentment, and depletion of resources. The result is eventual unpopularity and vulnerability.

Instead, he recommends that a prince be economical (parsimonious). A ruler who is frugal can build up reserves, fund wars, and reduce the need to tax his subjects. While parsimony might be criticized initially, it results in long-term stability.

In other words, apparent miserliness can be politically virtuous, while generosity can be ruinous.

Chapter XVII: Of Cruelty and Clemency, and Whether It Is Better to Be Loved or Feared

This chapter contains one of Machiavelli’s most quoted and controversial lines:
“It is better to be feared than loved, if you cannot be both.”

Here, he explores the balance between cruelty and kindness. He argues that cruelty, if used swiftly, decisively, and for political necessity, can stabilize a state. But cruelty that is ongoing and self-serving will result in hatred, which is dangerous.

Love is unreliable, based on obligation, whereas fear is rooted in self-preservation. However, Machiavelli warns that a prince must avoid being hated at all costs. Fear must never become loathing.

This nuanced view challenges simplistic notions of leadership: effective rulers may use violence, but only strategically.

Chapter XVIII: In What Way Princes Should Keep Their Word

Machiavelli further breaks from moral tradition in this chapter. He argues that princes are not obligated to keep their word if doing so would be against their interests. Since other rulers are deceitful, a prince who is always honest will be outmaneuvered.

He draws a metaphor from nature, saying a prince must be both a lion and a fox—strong and brave like a lion, but cunning and deceptive like a fox.

Machiavelli’s stance is clear: promises are useful only when they serve political ends. If circumstances change, so must commitments.

This notion of calculated dishonesty marks a radical departure from Christian and classical ethics, which prized integrity and truthfulness.

Chapter XIX: How to Avoid Being Despised and Hated

In this chapter, Machiavelli returns to the key idea of preserving power through reputation. The most dangerous threat to a prince is popular hatred, not necessarily opposition from the elite. A ruler can be feared, but if he is hated, he becomes vulnerable to conspiracy and rebellion.

To avoid hatred, a prince must:

·         Refrain from seizing property or dishonoring women

·         Punish only when justified by law or necessity

·         Let unpopular actions be carried out by others while reserving acts of kindness for himself

Machiavelli also recommends being seen as firm, decisive, and consistent, as weak or unpredictable rulers are despised.

Chapter XX: Are Fortresses, and Many Other Things to Which Princes Often Resort, Advantageous or Hurtful?

Here, Machiavelli examines whether physical defenses like fortresses truly protect a prince. He concludes that popular support is a more reliable safeguard than walls or castles. A hated ruler cannot hide behind stone walls forever.

Examples are drawn from history: some rulers lost power despite having fortresses, while others ruled securely without them. Machiavelli suggests that reliance on fortresses reflects weakness and fear, not strength.

Ultimately, the best fortress is the love or at least the non-hatred of the people.

Chapter XXI: How a Prince Should Conduct Himself to Acquire Reputation

Machiavelli emphasizes the value of reputation as a political tool. A prince should project an image of greatness, wisdom, and decisiveness. Participating in wars, alliances, public events, and acts of justice enhances a ruler’s stature.

Even if the prince is not truly virtuous, he must appear virtuous. In the world of politics, perception often outweighs reality.

For example, rulers who boldly support one side in a conflict are seen as principled, while those who try to remain neutral are perceived as weak.

Chapter XXII: On the Choice of Ministers

The success of a prince also depends on the people he surrounds himself with, especially his ministers or advisers. A wise prince selects capable and loyal advisors, allowing them freedom to speak but retaining final judgment.

Machiavelli warns that corrupt or self-serving ministers reflect poorly on the prince. Good ministers, on the other hand, strengthen the state and enhance the prince’s reputation.

He advises rulers to reward loyalty and competence, thus encouraging merit and discouraging betrayal.

Chapter XXIII: How Flatterers Are to Be Avoided

Machiavelli ends this section by warning against flattery, one of the most insidious dangers to leadership. Many rulers surround themselves with sycophants who tell them what they want to hear. This leads to poor decisions and distorted realities.

To combat this, a prince must:

·         Encourage honest feedback

·         Select trustworthy advisers

·         Know when to listen and when to decide independently

Still, a wise prince should limit who speaks freely, lest he lose authority. In short, rulers must balance openness with control.

Key Themes in These Chapters

1.      Political Ethics vs. Traditional Morality: Machiavelli separates politics from ethics. The prince’s primary duty is to secure and maintain power, not to be morally good. Virtue is measured by effectiveness, not righteousness.

2.      Perception Is Power: Public image, reputation, and symbolism are central. A prince may be cruel or dishonest, but if he is seen as just and virtuous, he will retain loyalty and order.

3.      Control Through Strategy: Leadership is an act of performance, requiring careful calculation. A prince must use psychological insight, understand human nature, and act preemptively to eliminate threats.

4.      Adaptability: Above all, a ruler must be flexible, ready to adjust behavior to circumstances, and unafraid to act ruthlessly when necessary.

Chapters XV to XXIII represent the most influential and controversial part of Machiavelli’s thought. Here, he demolishes traditional moral frameworks and replaces them with a political realism that values efficacy over ethics, perception over truth, and stability over compassion.

His prince is a master of image, strategy, and control—someone who understands that human beings are selfish, fearful, and unreliable. To lead them effectively, the prince must sometimes lie, manipulate, and punish. But he must also know when to be just, when to be generous, and how to cultivate respect.

This nuanced, ruthless, and pragmatic model of leadership has made Machiavelli a byword for cunning politics. But it has also ensured The Prince a permanent place in the study of power, leadership, and governance.

Review of Chapters XXIV–XXVI: Case Studies and Italy’s Political Crisis

Chapters XXIV to XXVI form the final section of Niccolo Machiavelli’s The Prince. While earlier chapters are theoretical and analytical, these closing chapters shift toward concrete examples and urgent political commentary. They focus primarily on the decline of Italian principalities, the reasons behind the failure of contemporary rulers, and a patriotic appeal for the liberation and unification of Italy.

This section reveals Machiavelli not only as a cold political realist, but also as a passionate patriot frustrated by Italy’s weakness and foreign domination. He offers a sharp critique of ineffective rulers and concludes with an emotional exhortation to a new leader—possibly Lorenzo de’ Medici—to rise as Italy’s savior.

Chapter XXIV: Why the Princes of Italy Have Lost Their States

This chapter is Machiavelli’s autopsy of political failure. He bluntly asks: Why have so many Italian princes lost their power and territories? His answer is clear and unforgiving: they lacked virtù, and were unprepared for the changing tides of fortune.

Machiavelli argues that many rulers blamed external forces—bad luck, powerful enemies, betrayal—but in truth, they failed to:

·         Prepare adequately for crisis

·         Maintain loyal subjects

·         Build independent military strength

·         Adapt to changing circumstances

These rulers enjoyed power in times of peace but crumbled under pressure. Machiavelli warns that relying solely on fortune or others’ goodwill is a fatal weakness. He states:

“When the times are peaceful, men live on hopes; but when adversity comes, they see their error.”

This is a reiteration of his major theme: political power must be built on preparation, discipline, and self-reliance.

Key Message:

Italian princes failed not because of misfortune but because they refused to take command of fortune by exercising virtù.

Chapter XXV: Of the Influence of Fortune in Human Affairs and the Way to Resist It

In one of the most famous and philosophical chapters of The Prince, Machiavelli addresses Fortune (fortuna)—the unpredictable force that shapes human affairs. This concept, borrowed from classical and medieval thought, was often personified as a capricious goddess.

Machiavelli does not deny the existence of fortune; instead, he quantifies it:

·         Fortune controls about 50% of human events

·         The other 50% is under human control, through skill, planning, and adaptability

He compares fortune to a river: when calm, it can be managed with foresight and preparation; when it floods, it causes destruction—but only because men failed to build dams and embankments in time.

This metaphor illustrates his core belief: misfortune punishes the unprepared.

He also compares fortune to a woman, saying:

“It is necessary to beat and coerce her to keep her under control.”

While modern readers may rightly criticize the gendered and violent metaphor, Machiavelli’s point is metaphorical: Fortune favors bold, aggressive, and decisive rulers, not timid or passive ones.

Virtù vs. Fortuna:

·         Virtù: Human agency, courage, adaptability, leadership

·         Fortuna: Chance, fate, uncontrollable forces

For Machiavelli, a great ruler shapes his own destiny as much as possible. Fortune may open the door, but only virtù can walk through it and hold the room.

Chapter XXVI: An Exhortation to Liberate Italy from the Barbarians

This final chapter is Machiavelli’s patriotic plea to a future leader—specifically addressed to Lorenzo de’ Medici, the recipient of the entire book. After dissecting Italy’s weaknesses and foreign domination, he issues a rallying cry: Unite and liberate Italy from the “barbarians” (i.e., the foreign powers dominating the Italian peninsula).

At the time, Italy was fragmented into city-states—Florence, Venice, Milan, Naples, the Papal States—each often relying on foreign alliances to counter rivals. This created chaos, instability, and subjugation by France, Spain, and the Holy Roman Empire.

Machiavelli declares:

“This opportunity must not be allowed to pass, so that after so much time Italy may see its redeemer.”

He uses the imagery of Moses leading the Hebrews, Cyrus liberating Persia, and Romulus founding Rome—mythic heroes who brought order through bold action. Machiavelli hopes that Lorenzo might fulfill a similar role for Italy.

This chapter also reflects the influence of Renaissance humanism: belief in human potential, admiration of classical heroes, and a deep yearning for national greatness.

Literary and Rhetorical Style

This chapter reads less like a treatise and more like a political manifesto. Machiavelli uses:

·         Nationalistic language: Referring to Italy as a “wounded body”

·         Religious metaphors: “Redeemer,” “divine signs,” “God favors this cause”

·         Poetic flourish: Quoting Petrarch’s patriotic verse about Italy rising again

While earlier chapters were strategic and analytical, this final section is emotionally charged and idealistic—somewhat paradoxical for a realist thinker. However, it reveals that Machiavelli's realism serves a larger hope: the unification and empowerment of his beloved homeland.

Analysis and Broader Significance

These three concluding chapters, while short, are philosophically and politically rich. They pull together many of Machiavelli’s core ideas:

1.      Failure Results from Passivity: Italian rulers failed not because fate betrayed them, but because they failed to act decisively, invest in military strength, and adjust to new conditions. Power requires ongoing action, not complacency.

2.      Leadership Requires Seizing Opportunity: Opportunities for greatness appear rarely. When they do, a bold leader must act, even if it means using force, cunning, or cruelty. Fortune opens doors—but only those with virtù can walk through.

3.      Nationalism and Unity: Machiavelli anticipates the modern concept of nationalism. His dream of a unified, sovereign Italy resonates with movements that came centuries later, particularly the Risorgimento in the 19th century. Figures like Giuseppe Garibaldi and Count Cavour were deeply influenced by Machiavelli.

4.      The Emotional Heart of Machiavelli: Despite his reputation as a cold and ruthless thinker, these chapters show his idealism and passion. He wants a better Italy—strong, independent, and united under a capable leader.

Relevance Today

Though written over 500 years ago, these chapters remain astonishingly relevant:

·         Countries still struggle with foreign interference, weak governance, and leadership failures.

·         Political leaders still debate how much to rely on alliances versus building self-reliant power.

·         The tension between preparation and chance, individual action and systemic forces, remains central to politics, business, and leadership.

In fact, many modern leaders—from Napoleon to Mussolini to contemporary CEOs—have read The Prince as a guide to understanding how to act when the world changes rapidly.

Chapters XXIV to XXVI of The Prince are Machiavelli’s final diagnosis of Italy’s crisis and his prescription for its renewal. They combine political critique, philosophical insight, and passionate patriotism. Machiavelli urges leaders to abandon weakness, seize fortune boldly, and rescue Italy from foreign domination.

He concludes The Prince not with cold logic, but with fire—summoning the spirit of Moses, Cyrus, and Romulus, and inviting Lorenzo de’ Medici to rise as a national hero. This final appeal transforms the book from a cynical manual of power into a call to greatness.

Though his hopes were not fulfilled in his lifetime, Machiavelli’s vision has endured. He did not just define how power works—he dreamed of how it could be used to build a stronger, unified state. In doing so, he became not just a theorist of politics, but a father of modern nationhood.

Conclusion:

The Prince remains one of the most influential — and controversial — works in political theory. Its amoral tone, rejection of idealism, and embrace of cunning pragmatism have led to centuries of debate. Some see Machiavelli as a teacher of evil; others, as the first realist political philosopher.

Machiavelli's brilliance lies in his refusal to preach virtue for virtue's sake. Instead, he insists that leaders must understand the true nature of power, human behavior, and the responsibilities that come with governance. He doesn’t advocate cruelty for its own sake — rather, he believes in necessary ruthlessness to preserve the state.

In the modern world, The Prince is still widely read by politicians, strategists, business leaders, and students of power. Whether interpreted as a warning or a guide, it remains a masterclass in leadership under pressure.